Cawnpore, 1857

No memorial of the heroes of the Indian Mutiny would
be complete which did not give some account of the men,
women and children who suffered, fought or died at Cawnpur.
Those of them who may not be designated heroes were
veritable martyrs. Cawnpur lies on the right bank of the Ganges,
270 miles south-east from Delhi, 684 from Calcutta by land, 954
by water; from Allahabad, some 120 miles: it is the principal
town in the Doab, which lies between the Ganges and the Jumna.
The cantonments, quite distinct from the native city,
were extended along the bank of the river six miles from northwest to south-east and contained an area of about ten square
miles. Here hundreds of little white bungalows, the homes of the
officers and their families, stood in their three-acre compounds
or gardens, each surrounded by a low and crumbling mound and
ditch, or hedge of prickly pear.
Forest trees abounded and gave a pleasant shade—each
regiment had its own bazaar, whether the men lived in the
barracks or under canvas. On higher ground stood the church
and assembly rooms; farther on was the theatre for amateur
performances, and a cafe.
In the officers' gardens vegetables of all kinds thrived,
while peaches and melons, limes, oranges and custard apples
formed a healthy addition to the diet. In summer, Cawnpur is
one of the hottest stations in India; in winter, water will freeze in
shallow pans if left out at night.
Boating on the river, horse-racing, polo and billiards
were the chief amusements. In the dry season the Ganges is
about five hundred yards wide, but in the rains it swells to more
than a mile across: it is navigable for boats of light draught down to the sea, or one thousand miles: while upstream one can travel
by boat for three hundred miles.
The ghaut, or landing-place, is usually the spot where
strange creatures congregate—traders, hucksters, fakirs, beggars
of all kinds.
A bridge of boats constructed by the Government was
open to all who wished to pass over into, or from, the province
of Oudh: a small toll being charged for the upkeep. Hundreds of
vessels with thatched roofs were moored! near the shore, looking
like a swaying village, while country boats like stacks adrift
were constantly being urged up or down by their smoking and
singing rowers.
The native city, closely packed in teeming huts and
houses, contained sixty thousand inhabitants, having only one
wide street or boulevard, called the Chandnee Choke, or Silver
Street. This name dates from the time when there were no banks,
and natives who possessed capital were fain to convert it into
fantastic belts and rings, and hang their wealth for security about
the ears and ankles of their families: this street abounds in the
shops of silversmiths.
The city swarmed with cut-throats escaped from smaller
cities after they had murdered and robbed some industrious and
saving countryman.
Of course the city goal was tolerably full of the worst
specimens of humanity, poisoners and adepts in the fine art of
strangling and stabbing. We must now give a short account of
the two men who are notorious for having urged the mutineers to
make war upon our women and children. Nana Sahib, as he is
usually called, was the adopted son of Bajee Rao, who had been
Peishwa of Poonah, and the last of the Mahratta kings.
The Government at Calcutta had dethroned the Peishwa
for his repeated acts of treachery, confiscated his lands and made
him live at Bithoor, twelve miles up river from Cawnpur. Here
he resided in princely state near the banks of the sacred Ganges,

The Phoenix Park Murders, Dublin, 6th May 1882

• Name - Lord Frederick Cavendish & Thomas Henry Burke
• Occupation - Chief Secretary of Ireland & Permanent Undersecretary of Ireland
• Assassins -  The Irish Invincibles (Brady, Kelly, McCaffrey, Curley & Fagan)
• Assassination Method - Stabbed with surgical knives
• Place of Death - Chesterfield Avenue, Phoenix Park, Dublin

The Phoenix Park Murders were the fatal stabbings of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Thomas Henry Burke in Phoenix Park in Dublin on 6 May 1882. Cavendish was the newly appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Burke was the Permanent Undersecretary, the most senior Irish civil servant. The assassination was carried out by members of the rebel group Irish National Invincibles, a more radical breakaway from the Irish Republican Brotherhood.

Murders

The Invincibles failed numerous times to kill Chief Secretary "Buckshot" Forster before he resigned his office in protest at the Kilmainham Treaty. The group then settled on a plan to kill the Permanent Under-Secretary Thomas Henry Burke at the Irish Office. Newly installed Chief Secretary for Ireland Lord Frederick Cavendish, on the very day of his arrival to Ireland, was walking with Burke to the Viceregal Lodge, the "out of season" residence of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

The first assassination was committed by Joe Brady, who stabbed Burke with a 12-inch knife, followed in short order by Tim Kelly, who stabbed Cavendish. Both men used surgical knives, in order to avoid making a lot of noise while carrying out the killings. Cavendish was not a target and his presence was happenstance. Thomas Myles, resident surgeon at the nearby Dr Steevens' Hospital, was summoned to render medical assistance to the victims.

The Lord-Lieutenant, Lord Spencer, described hearing screams before witnessing a man running to the Lodge grounds shouting "Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke are killed." The assailants were driven away in a cab by James Fitzharris (nicknamed "Skin the Goat") who served as a getaway driver.

Crowds gather at the murder scene

Investigation

The hunt for the perpetrators was led by Superintendent John Mallon, a Catholic who came from Armagh. Mallon had a pretty shrewd idea of who was involved. He suspected a number of former Fenian activists. A large number of suspects were arrested and kept in prison by claiming they were connected with other crimes. By playing off one suspect against another Mallon got several of them to reveal what they knew.

The Invincibles' leader James Carey, Michael Kavanagh and Joe Hanlon agreed to testify against the others. Joe Brady, Michael Fagan, Thomas Caffrey, Dan Curley and Tim Kelly were convicted of the murder, and were hanged by William Marwood in Kilmainham Gaol in Dublin between 14 May and 9 June 1883. Others, convicted as accessories to the crime, were sentenced to serve long prison terms. The getaway driver, James Fitzharris (nicknamed "Skin the Goat") was acquitted of murder but retried as an accessory and convicted.

Only the case of Tim Kelly gave any real difficulty. He was nineteen and generally said to look much younger, and by referring to him as "a child" his defence counsel created enough unease for two juries to disagree. Only after an unprecedented third trial was he found guilty.

THE TRIALS IN DUBLIN

 Dublin, Jan. 20, 1883.

The trial of the prisoners charged with conspiracy to murder was begun this afternoon. Some startling evidence was produced. The first witness produced by the crown was Robert Farrell, one of the men arrested. He apparently made up his mind to give away all he knew of the murders. He is an ugly-looking brute, short, with a stubby red beard, narrow forehead, light eyes, tow hair, and an uneasy manner. He was apparently much excited. His testimony tends to implicate Daniel Curley, the two Hanlon brothers, the Mulette brothers, Timothy Kelly, the Carey brothers, and Daniel Delaney, the chief conspirators, and the other arrested men as less important Instruments. Farrell stated that there was in existence a Fenian brotherhood and that he had been connected with it the past seven years. His first connection with attempts at assassination occurred eighteen months ago. when Curley directed him to wait for Secretary Forster's carriage on a certain bridge and stop it. Curley said that Kelly and Brady would do the rest of the business. He was prevented from stopping the carriage by the unexpected presence of a policeman on the bridge. Curley gave him a revolver and a little money. Afterwards, Curley directed him to wait in John Street, where Secretary Forster’s carriage would come, preceded by a cab drawn by a white horse. The latter came, but Secretary Forster went another way, otherwise, Forster would have been attacked then. Farrell says: “I saw James Carey several times about then. I know him to be connected with the secret council. On the day of the Phoenix Park murders, I met Lawrence Hanlon, who asked me at what time 1 would finish the work that, day. I replied, ‘At 7.30.’ Hanlon said, ‘Too late.'’ ” Witness here mentioned, that the inner circle of the Fenian brotherhood was known as “Assassination Circle.” All the prisoners laughed in concert at this. On the night of the Phoenix Park murder, Delaney asked the witness if he had heard anything. The witness replied “No.” Delaney said he would hear very soon. Delaney said that Hanlon had previously declared, “ I have my mark before me.” The witness testified next as to the attempted murder of Field and Banctt, and the foreman of the jury of the Hines case, who was not attacked. Barnett had a business in Westland Row. He lives in Kingstown. He was to have been attacked the same night as Denis Field, by the station where he took the train for home. It was the custom of the brotherhood to put the victim’s name in an envelope, and send it to the men selected to do the job’ Witness was assigned the task of standing by the station to shoot the police if they interfered. Subsequently, he was told by Hanlon about the Field attack. Kelly walked in front of Field, and Brady behind. When in front of Field’s house, Brady threw his arm around Field’s neck, and Kelly attacked him from the front. Field struck out with an umbrella. Brady knocked him down and stabbed him eleven times while on the ground. Alt then sprang on the car, which was driven by a man named Kavanagh. Kelly lost his hat when getting on the car. During the presentation of this evidence, the prisoners appeared unconcerned. Carey is a tall, powerful man, with a low, narrow forehead, grey eyes, thick brown hair and beard, and a prominent nose and tanned skin. His forehead was wrinkled with anxiety. Brady, who has a full face, a pale skin, flat nose, grey eyes, and a heavy body, and who spent much of the time with his back to the judge, leaning on the rail of the dock, with a broad grin on his face, flushed slightly when the witness alluded to his share In the Field affair. One or two of the prisoners are mere boys. Some of them seemed frightened by the testimony. All laughed aloud in concert several times. Once a big, red-whiskered man said: “ You’re a liar! ” to the witness.

THE MURDER LEAGUE IN IRELAND - EXAMINATION AT KILMAINHAM OF THE PRISONERS CHARGED WITH THE PHOENIX PARK MURDERS

The Graphic, Feb. 10, 1883 

1. John Fitzsimons, who found the knives in Carey's loft.

2. George Godden, Park Ranger, who identified Brady as being on the car which he had seen driving off immediately after the murder

3. Stephen Hands, who identified Brady and O'Brien as waiting with the car on the evening of the murder.

4. Sarah Hands

5. Dr Webb (Q.C.), the leading counsel for the prisoners

6. The Prisoners in the Dock; a. James Carey b. Peter Carey c. Edward O'Brien d. Timothy Kelly e. Joseph Brady f. Peter Doyle g. Laurence Hanlon h. Edward McCaffrey

''The prisoners knew they were dead men when Carey entered the court''

Carey giving evidence against Brady, Kelly and Curley

Implications

Charles Stewart Parnell's policy of allying his party to Gladstone's Liberal Party in 1886 to enable Home Rule was also ultimately defeated by the murders. Gladstone's Minister Lord Hartington was the elder brother of Lord Frederick Cavendish. Infuriated by the manner of his brother's early death, Hartington split with Gladstone on the Home Rule bills of 1886 and 1893 and led the breakaway Liberal Unionist Association which allied itself to Lord Salisbury's conservative governments. In the ensuing 1886 general election the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists swept the board. This delayed Home Rule by 28 years, until the Third Irish Home Rule Bill which was passed technically in 1914, but which was never effected.

Reaction

Charles Stewart Parnell made a speech condemning the murders in 1882. This increased his already huge popularity in both Britain and Ireland. He had just enabled some reforms under the Kilmainham Treaty four days before the murders. Parnell's reputation increased in Ireland, being seen as a more moderate reformer who would never excuse such tactics.

In March 1887, The Times printed letters purportedly from Parnell claiming sympathy with the murderers and that his public denunciation of them was insincere. It emerged that the letters were forgeries written by journalist Richard Pigott, and Parnell was personally vindicated by the Parnell Commission in 1888–89.

Patrick O'Donnell (left), assasinated James Carey (right)
on board S.S. Melrose, July 29 1883.

Aftermath

James Carey was shot dead on board Melrose Castle off Cape Town, South Africa, on 29 July 1883, by Donegal man Patrick O'Donnell, for giving evidence against his former comrades. O'Donnell was apprehended and escorted back to London, where he was convicted of murder at the Old Bailey and hanged on 17 December 1883.

Cavendish is laid to rest at Edensor, near Chatsworth

Funeral of Burke at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin

The Alexandria Riots, Egypt, Sunday, 11 June 1882

Ruins of Grand Square during burning of Alexandria

• Name - 6 British citizens (see below)
• Occupation - Various (Businessmen, Sailors )
• Assassins - Mob led by Egyptian Arabi army
• Assassination Method - Mostly stabbed, bludgeoned and mutilated
• Place of Death - Alexandria, Egypt

Killed

• Robert James Dobson (1862-1882) Cotton Trader
• Reginald John Richardson (1855-1882) Cotton Trader
• Dr Herbert P. Ribton (d.1882) Civil Engineer
• James Pibworth (1850-1882) Chief Engineer of H.M.S. Superb,
• 2 seamen of H.M.S. Helicon

J. Pibworth, Chief Engineer, HMS Superb.

(6 British in total murdered) 

Injured

Sir Charles Cookson (1829-1906) British Consul

Sir Charles Cookson, British Consul

Crises in Egypt

We have also this week, to publish, with feelings of regret and sympathy, the portraits of two young Englishmen who were among the murdered victims of mob fury at Alexandria on that fatal Sunday afternoon. They were both from Manchester, and engaged in commercial business; they were in joint charge of a stock of cotton goods, worth about £4000, stored in the Manchester House, Place des, Consuls, at Alexandria. Mr Robert James Dobson, who was but twenty years of age, was the son of Mr Robert Dobson, of Manchester, and brother to Mr John R. Dobson, of the Gresham Shipping House, Bloom-street, in that city. Mr Reginald John Richardson, who was seven or eight years older, was acting for Mr Dobson, senior, in his business at Alexandria, and was assisted by the younger gentleman. It appears that they were personally acquainted with some members of the staff of the Eastern Telegraph Company at Alexandria. During the riots on the Marina, an attempt was made by the telegraph officials to secure the shore end of the submarine cable in the harbour from being destroyed or damaged by the mob. This drew upon them a murderous attack; and Mr Richardson and Mr Dobson, seeing their friends in danger, gallantly interposed to aid in their defence. They were unhappily struck down, and either killed on the spot or so much injured by savage blows and wounds as to die shortly afterwards in the hospital. The other Englishmen killed were Dr H. Ribton, Mr Pibworth, chief engineer of H.M.S. Superb, and two seamen of H.M.S. Helicon; while Mr Cookson, the British Consul-General, was severely beaten. Several of the other European victims of this massacre, being Maltese, were British subjects; and our Government will demand full satisfaction. Germans, Italians, Greeks, and one American were killed in the affray, which cost above fifty lives of foreigners, and as many of the natives. The sketch on our front page was drawn by an eyewitness in the Rue des Soeurs.

Rioters attack Europeans, Alexandria

Source: The Illustrated London News, July 1, 1882, p.6

The War in Egypt: Destruction of Alexandria

We have now to deplore a terrible event, one that, next to that of May 24, 1871, in Paris, seems the most terrible in the history of our times. One of the greatest commercial cities of the Levant, half European, the trading mart and residence of mercantile men of the Western nations, has perished in an outbreak of wild passions, occasioned by a desperate situation at the beginning of fierce and unsparing warfare. It is in human nature that such acts of criminal madness should be possible; and they have sometimes been perpetrated by races which boast of a high civilisation. The wisdom and beneficent power of enlightened statesmanship in Christendom ought to be exercised with a view to prevent their occurrence. In the present instance, though an irremediable injury has been inflicted, not alone upon Egypt, but upon immense interests shared by the leading nations of the world, and upon the common interest of humanity, a lesson may hereafter be drawn from so vast a piece of mischief. Our connected record last week of the proceedings at Alexandria was necessarily written on Wednesday evening, and stopped at the incidents of a flag of truce being displayed at noon that day, and of negotiations with the British Admiral being ostensibly invited by the Egyptian officers presumed to be acting on behalf of Arabi Pasha, the Minister of War and the chief of the military faction. We had then no telegraphic news later than half-past one in the afternoon, and we hoped that a suspension of hostilities was arranged, and that Arabi Pasha would surrender the city, as well as the forts already disarmed and almost demolished by the naval bombardment. But Thursday morning brought the publication of the dreadful news of atrocities consequent upon the defeat of the Egyptian garrison in the forts, and accompanying the forced retirement of Arabi Pasha's troops, which were half disbanded, extremely demoralised, and apparently disposed to join the town rabble and the Bedouin robbers lurking around in committing every kind of licentious and ferocious outrage. What the depraved rabble of that city and of the neighbouring Arab suburbs were capable of doing, whenever the restraining presence of a disciplined military force should be removed, had been exemplified in the riot and massacre of Sunday, June 11; and it will be remembered how, upon that occasion, while the worthless city police or municipal guard, during two hours of unchecked outrage, robbery and murder, had rather aided than opposed the malefactors, they were promptly dispersed when the regular Egyptian soldiery came to the scene of disorder. This was vividly illustrated by the Sketches of an eyewitness, published in our Journal on the 1st inst., and by his personal testimony, in the accompanying letter, that "both officers and soldiers behaved well," in clearing the streets and keeping them afterwards; and that "the military are indignant at the excesses committed by the mob." It is, unhappily, too well established by many historical instances, that a soldiery, who form the trustworthy guard of social order while retained in the bond of regimental discipline, may, by sudden disbandment, at an exciting moment of warfare, be converted into its direst foes; and this seems to have taken place with a certain portion of the Egyptian army on Wednesday week. There are, it is known, different races, negroes of Sudan, Arabs of various tribes, and Fellaheen or native Egyptians, composing the regular forces then under the command of Arabi Pasha; and it is probable that when he abandoned the city, under covert of a deceitful flag of truce, he could not or would not take with him those regiments upon whose adherence he might not rely. It is certain that he left thousands of soldiers behind, without their commanders, in a state of utter demoralisation, and that they instantly joined in the orgies of plunder and slaughter renewed by the local rabble, continued during two hours after the withdrawal of the troops, and finished by setting fire to the European quarter of the city, which has thus been entirely destroyed. There had been good order in Alexandria, though great panic was felt by all classes, during a whole month previous to the bombardment of Tuesday week, as the actual Ministry, to which Arabi Pasha belonged, then had a regular force under strict command to repress every motion of popular disturbance. The expulsion or the voluntary removal of that force—if not driven away by the bombardment, then treacherously withdrawn to permit the disaster that ensued—appears to have been the immediate cause of the inconceivable havoc on Wednesday evening.

Source: The Illustrated London News, No.2255—Vol. LXXXI, Saturday, July 22, 1882, p.81

Arabi Pasha

This personage, with whom, as the ambitious representative of a powerful native faction in Egypt, Great Britain is now at war, suddenly emerged from obscurity in September last. He then appeared at the head of a military and popular revolt, compelling the Prince Khedive, Tewfik Pasha, to dismiss his former Ministry, and to convene a sort of Parliament, called the Assembly of Notables, which met about the beginning of the present year. Ahmed Arabi Bey, to speak of him by the rank and style he then held, was simply a Colonel in the Army, but his character and position were respectable; he has, indeed, never been accused of personal or official dishonesty, and, however misguided in his conduct as an Egyptian politician, seems to have enjoyed the esteem of his fellow-countrymen. He was born at or near the important town of Damanhour, thirty or forty miles from Alexandria, and belongs to the native Egyptian race, that which constitutes the bulk of the peasant population, or Fellaheen; his name, more properly written "Ourabi," has nothing to do with an Arab lineage. He appears to have received a purely Musselman education, and to have little knowledge of Europe, understanding no foreign language; but he is a devout and zealous professor of the religion of Islam, and inherits from his ancestors the title of " Syed," which implies a certain claim to orthodox consideration. The affair of Sept. 8, much resembling a pronunciamento of the type familiar in Spanish history under Queen Isabella II., resulted in the overthrow of Riaz Pasha's Administration, which was unpopular because it was supposed to be too deferential to certain foreign interests. Sherif Pasha, who was thereupon appointed Prime Minister, pledged the Khedive to establish a Parliamentary Government. A manifesto was issued by "the National Party," as Arabi and his supporters call themselves, on Dec. 18, containing an exposition of their views and purposes. They profess loyalty to the Sultan, both as Imperial Suzerain and as Caliph of the Mussulman community, but will never suffer Egypt to be reduced to a Turkish Pashalic, and they claim the guarantee of England and of Europe for the administrative independence of Egypt. They also profess loyalty to the Khedive, but will not acquiesce in a despotic rule, and insist upon his promise to govern by the advice of a Representative Assembly. They accept the obligation of the Egyptian public debt, as a matter of national honour, although it was incurred for the private ends of a selfish and dishonest ruler, the late Khedive Ismail Pasha, without the consent of the nation. The Financial Control, for the security of the foreign bondholders, is recognised as a temporary necessity, but the Egyptians hope gradually to redeem their country from its subjection to the European creditors and to enjoy the management of their own affairs. They complain of the intrusion of foreigners (mostly Frenchmen) into 1345 Government offices, with an aggregate of salaries amounting to not less than £370,000 a year. The exemption of European residents in Egypt from certain taxes, and from the ordinary jurisdiction of the Egyptian Civil Courts, is also mentioned as a grievance. The Army, in the opinion of Arabi, should be raised to its full complement of 18,000 men, as allowed by the firman of the Porte in 1841, the extended dominion in the Soudan being taken into consideration. Finally, the National Party declares its sincere regard for the principles of religious liberty, and the civil and legal equality of Mussulman, Coptic Christian, Jewish and other native Egyptians. Such principles are approved by the Sheikhs of the Azhar, the great Mussulman University at Cairo. At the beginning of the present year the Khedive and Sherif Pasha, according to promise, called together the Assembly of Notables—that is to say, of "Omde," elected for each district by the village mayors, "sheikh-el-beled," who are men of wealth holding a hereditary municipal office. Arabi was then appointed Under-Secretary of State for the War Department and was raised to the rank of Pasha. The Assembly of Notables wanted to vote the Budget. It was refused by the Khedive's Government, on account of the Financial Controllers. Hence the Egyptian Crisis of this day; but Arabi Pasha's insubordinate behaviour has been infamous, from first to last. He is not the less a rebel and a traitor, though both the Khedive and the Sultan condoned his offences. It was most needful that, in May last, he should be summarily sent into exile; but he refused to go; and now the British Fleet and Army will enforce the decree for his expulsion

Source: The Illustrated London News, No.2255—Vol. LXXXI, Saturday, July 22, 1882, p.81

Riots at Alexandria

It is, according to the Times correspondent and others, not believed that Arabi Pasha gave any orders to pillage and burn the city. He appears to have simply marched out, with a portion of the Egyptian army, just about the time when the ostensible negotiations for peace, conducted by Toulba Pasha, Governor of Alexandria, on board the Khedive's yacht Mahroussa, with Flag-Lieutenant Lambton, sent by the British Admiral, were broken off; the Bittern, with that officer, returning to the Admiral's flag-ship at half-past three o'clock. As the negotiations were abortive, Toulba Pasha alleging that lie must refer to the Khedive, at Hamleh, for instructions concerning the proposed terms of surrender, the bombardment was to have been renewed; but one shot only was fired, at four o'clock. By that time, it is now ascertained, the troops still under command of Arabi Paslia had departed, and the disbanded soldiery who remained in Alexandria had begun the shameful work of sacking and firing the European quarter. It is thus described by Mr. Goussio, manager of the Anglo-Egyptian Bank, who likewise tells us of the preceding flight of the townspeople; how, as he says "the whole night long, the native population had poured, screaming with terror, into the interior," and on the Wednesday their flight was continued in still greater numbers. "In the afternoon the exodus from the town had become general. At three o'clock the soldiers gave the signal for pillaging. As on June 11, they begun by opening the doors of the stores and dividing the merchandise which they found. Soldiers, under the direction of the officers and superior officers, divided the booty in a disgraceful fashion; but at the same time having its comical side. Pieces of calico were cut into pieces and handed round; while albums, watches, and fancy goods were carried off and presently pulled to pieces, after having been for a few moments in the hands of men who did not understand their use. The officers frequently carried two or more guns, so as to leave free hands to the soldiers who were carrying off the booty. A Colonel, mounted on a horse, had a pair of new shoes ruder his arm; another threw down and broke into a thousand pieces a clock which he found too heavy to carry. In fact, the property destroyed was of greater value than that which was actually carried away. As soon as a shop was empty, the paper and all the debris that could be Hastily collected were thrown into it; then small explosive pellets were added, and in a moment the whole vas in a blaze. At five o'clock the Egyptian Heroes, loaded with booty instead of laurels, retreated in the greatest disorder. Since two in the afternoon the Bowabs, or house porters, had received the mot d'ordre to desert the houses which they guarded. By six all the European quarter was in flames, and the town presented the appearance of one huge furnace." It is stated that soldiers were seen to pile heaps of bedding, saturated with petroleum, at the doors and windows of houses, and to set fire to these; the French Consulate, in the Grand Square, was fired by it soldier at the very first. The town rabble, bent on repeating their exploits of June 11, were joined by the released inmates of the criminal prisons or hulks, including those whom the Governor of Alexandria had arrested for their doings on that memorable Sunday. The dwellings and shops of native townsfolk were not spared. Predatory bands of savage Bedouins, who had been hanging about outside the city, expecting a chance of plunder in the accidents of war, poured quickly into Alexandria to kill and to rob indiscriminately, and hastened away, laden with spoil, at nightfall, but next day sacked the houses of the English merchants and others at Ramleh, four miles distant, which had been left unoccupied. The loss of property in Alexandria, by wanton destruction not less than by robbery, will be reckoned at several millions sterling. The number of people massacred has not been computed at less than five or six hundred. In the buildings of the Anglo-Egyptian Bank, the Credit Lyonnais, and the Ottoman Bank, a, few score Europeans, among them some women, prepared to defend their lives, and drove off a crowd of assailants. At four o'clock on Thursday morning, when the streets were comparatively empty, they walked down to the Marina, took the boats lying there, and rowed out into the New Harbour, where they were picked up by H.M.S. Helicon, to the number of one hundred or more. About eighty Germans, including the patients of the German Hospital, outside the city, with the Deaconesses or Protestant Sisters of Clarity there, sought refuge on board the German gun-boat Habicht. The French Catholic Sisters, also, with their clergy and the medical officers, had done all they could to relieve the wounded and distressed of every nation, amidst the frightful scenes of murderous conflict.

Source: The Illustrated London News, No.2255—Vol. LXXXI, Saturday, July 22, 1882, p.81

 A City in Ruins

British soldiers executing inhabitant of Alexandria

Our preceding descriptions and Illustrations of Alexandria, in the last four Numbers of this Journal, have supplied a general acquaintance with the local situation of that city and of its harbour, and of the forts and batteries, extending more than seven miles along the seashore, by which it was defended from foreign attack. The Frank, or European Quarter, including the Grand Square, formerly named the Place Mahomed Ali, which is now reduced to heaps of ruins, occupied the eastern part of the city, on the shore of the so-called New Port, which was not the actual port of commerce, being a mere shallow bay full of sandbanks. The Old Port, or Inner Harbour, with the Quays, the Arsenal, and the Mole and Landing Pier, lies on the west side of an isthmus, artificially formed many ages past, connecting the islet of Pharos, on which are the Palace of Ras-el-tin, several Forts, and the Lighthouse, with the mainland shore behind. We take this opportunity of commending Messrs. Letts, Son, and Co. for their timely publication of an excellent Plan of Alexandria, on the scale of three inches to the mile, with the depths of water in the harbour channels. Another Plan, extending so far westward as the Marabout island and fort, is published by Mr James Wyld, and will be found even more serviceable in studying accounts of the late bombardment. Either will show the point which must here be considered; namely, that some of the shells thrown by several of our larger ironclads at the Ras-el-tin and other Forts were likely, if they missed their aim and passed on about two miles farther in the same direction, to fall into the midst of the city. In spite of the utmost care and skill exercised by the officers and gunners of the naval squadron, it is now proved by ample evidence that this actually happened; one of the largest shells from a British ship of war struck the English church at the farther side of the Grand Square; and the Europeans still left in Alexandria testify that many shells fell in the streets and among the houses in different quarters. In the narrow lanes and alleys of the old native town, one of which is shown among our Artist's Sketches, the falling of a shell must have been so destructive and terrifying to the poor inhabitants that we can readily understand the panic excited among the townspeople on Tuesday week. They fled front their homes is terror, many thousands of families all that day thronging the roads to the city gates, with crying lamentations, escaping into the country, destitute of all but the little; they could carry with them. At half-past five, when the bombardment ceased, forlorn groups of weeping women and angry men, with children beside them, were seen to greet each other with joyful thanksgiving for relief from the instant danger. Others were deluded by a false rumour that the forts had repelled the attack, and had sunk two or more of the British ships; but there is no doubt that the whole native population, except the soldiery, was afflicted with agonies of fear, and that all who could leave the city did so, dreading the worst fate of the defenceless victims of war. It was impossible to undeceive them, as there was no civil government, the Khedive having shut himself up at Ramleh, and there was no English or foreign official onshore to whom the Admiral might have sent a reassuring message. The Tuesday night was endured in painful anxiety, and next morning the terror of the townspeople was renewed by the sound of our guns firing a few shots at the outer forts not yet subdued, and by symptoms of all intended attack on the forts behind the city, from the ships which had now entered the inner harbour. The flight of panic-stricken families throughout Wednesday forenoon though it is certain that there was no real chance of their being molested by the British forces on sea or shore, proves the continuance and aggravation of their distress. Such was the condition of Alexandria, by all the accounts from persons remaining in the city, at the hour when Arabi Pasha resolved upon his military retreat. The horrible doings of the afternoon, which are to be next related, were consequent upon the state of utter confusion, dismay, and wild excitement pre¬vailing in the motley population.

Funeral of a marine at the RC church, Alexandria.

Source: The Illustrated London News, No.2255—Vol. LXXXI, Saturday, July 22, 1882, p.81

Compensation claim

MRS HERBERT P. RIBTON'S CASE.

MRS. RIBTON is the widow of Herbert P. Ribton, C.E., University of Dublin, a British subject, who was savagely murdered at Alexandria, in the massacre of Sunday, the 11th June, 1882.

By his death Mrs. Ribton and her daughter, who is now seventeen years of age, have been left totally unprovided for.

Mr Ribton was a native of the City of Dublin, a graduate of T.C.D., [Trinity College, Dublin] a Civil Engineer by profession, and son of the late Dr George Ribton, a well-known member of the medical profession in Dublin.

At the time of his death Mr. Ribton was one of the Civil Engineers attached to the "Tribunali Misti" at Alexandria.

On Sunday, the 11th June 1882, Mr Ribton, accompanied by his daughter and three friends, left home to visit the British Fleet then in the Harbour, and on his return was brutally murdered by the Arab Mob and Soldiers; about 300 other Europeans fell in the same massacre.

Mr Ribton's daughter was frightfully beaten. She was seized by an Arab Soldier who carried her off to the Arab quarter. Here she was miraculously rescued by a friendly Arab Sheik, who kept her till nightfall when he sent her home disguised as an Arab. She was, however, dreadfully bruised, and is still in extremely delicate health.

After remaining in terror of their lives for four days, on the Friday following, Mrs Ribton and her daughter were enabled to effect their escape and to take refuge on board the vessel which was hired by the British Government for the reception of the refugees.

Everything that Mrs. Ribton and her daughter possessed in the world, save the clothes in which they fled, was left behind in Alexandria, and they are now absolutely destitute.

Mrs Ribton presented a petition to Her Majesty's Government for compensation for the murder of her husband and has been informed by Earl Granville, in reply, that her claim must be investigated by an International Commission in Egypt, which Commission has since been appointed, and is expected to sit shortly. * Mrs Ribton is advised that, in order to establish her claim, it is absolutely necessary for her daughter and herself to go to Alexandria; but she has no means to pay their passage there or to support herself and her daughter pending the investigation.

* Since this paper was printed, Mrs Ribton has lost a valuable friend by death – of Miss L'Estrange

* There is now no necessity for Mrs Ribton to go to Egypt.

Murder of Colonel Hugh Sutherland McGuigan, Khartoum, The Sudan, 1st March 1954

Rioters rush the palace gates, Khartoum,
1st March 1954

• Name - Colonel Hugh Sutherland McGuigan (1917-1952)
• Occupation - Chief of Police, Khartoum
• Assassins -  Pro-Independence Rioters
• Assassination Method - Stabbed & Bludgeoned
• Place of Death - Governor's Palace, Khartoum, Sudan

BRITISH OFFICER KILLED IN RIOTING AT KHARTOUM LONDON, 

Daily Mail; March 2nd 1954

The British police chief in Khartoum, 38-year-old Colonel Hugh Sutherland McGuigan, was knifed to death last night a few yards from the spot where General Gordon was murdered in 1885.
Tribesmen used knives, spears and clubs In the fighting which took place, and cars were overturned and trees uprooted. The area In front of the governor general's palace resembled a battleground with rioters and troops removing the dead and tending the wounded.
The 'Daily Express' Khartoum correspondent says that the Prime Minister of Sudan, Ismail El Azhari. asked the Egyptian president General Neguib, to return home to Egypt to avoid further bloodshed.
The premier is reported to have told Neguib his departure would avert further bloodshed after a day of rioting In which 30 people lost their lives and about 200 wounded.
Reuter's Khartoum correspondent says Negulb, who arrived yesterday for the opening of the Sudanese Parliament spent the night in the palace of Governor General Sir Robert Howe. He decided to return to Cairo today. Naguib and other guests at- the palace Including Selwyn Lloyd. British Minister of State, have the protection of British troops of the York and Lancaster Regiment, and soldiers of the Sudan defence force.
The 'Daily Mail's' Khartoum correspondent says the governor and his guests apparently are blockaded In the palace. Last night an urgent message on official palace stationery was delivered to Khartoum's Grand Hotel asking for large quantities of food to be sent up. 'Since we seem to be blockaded, and our supplies are running out,' It read. MOBS CLASH rival Sudanese mobs, for and against union with Egypt clashed In streets shortly after Negulb's arrival from Cairo. Police opened fire and used tear gas when hundreds of tribesmen of the Ansar sect, which supports the Jmma party independence policy, moved threateningly on the governor-general's palace on the banks of the Nile.
Seventeen policemen, including; police superintendent Mustafa El Mahdi, lost their lives. Police last night said 32 Jmma leaders were arrested, they included the party's assistant secretary general. The only Incident reported In defiance of the ban on demonstrations was the shooting of some members of the Ansar sect.
The death toll was 30 and consisted of 17 policemen and 13 civilians.
Most of the civilians came From the Ansar sect, which were led by the Mahdi. Some members of the Ansar sect were shot when they defied police orders. One of them died, and three others were seriously Injured. Apart from this shooting, no other incidents were reported.

Black Saturday & The Turf Club Massacre, Cairo, January 26th 1952

Turf Club, 

• Name - 9 British citizens (see below)
• Occupation - Various (academics, officials, businessmen, 2 housewives)
• Assassins - Mob led by Egyptian police
• Assassination Method - Mostly stabbed, bludgeoned and mutilated
• Place of Death - Turf Club, Barclays Bank, Cairo

Killed

• C.F.A. Jones (d.1952) Administrative Officer, British Council
• David Stewart Crawford (BA) (1904-1952) Academic 
• Margaret Crawford (1905-1952) Housewife
• H.A. Kennedy (1892-1952) Ministry of Education
• James Ireland Craig (CBE) (1868-1952) Academic
• Eric Waldmeyer (1915-1952) RNR (Special Branch)
• Gustave Joaquin Joseph Thibaut (d. 1952) 
• Norman Williamson (1907-1952) Executive
• Surgeon-Commander William Sloan Miller (d.1952) Royal Navy
• Joseph McLeod Boyer (1897-1952) Canadian Trade Commissioner *

(18 British in total murdered) 

* Canadian National

Injured

• Ivone Kilpatrick (RN) (1911-1974) Insurance Broker
• N. E. I. Thomas (1901-?) Teacher
• Gladys Elinor Rhead (1916-2011) Housewife
• Judge Henry Hume Barne (1881-1960) High Court Judge

Confidential Personal Statement by Squadron.-Leader Harold Hindle-James

This document is a personal account of the riots which took place in Cairo on 26 January 1952, an occasion subsequently described as the “Cairo Fires”, during which several members of the British Turf Club were murdered. It seems probable the report, with its appendices, was written for the British Embassy in Cairo.
The author is Harold Hindle James, OBE (1895–1969), at the time a retired RAF officer resident in Cairo. The transcript is based on a typewritten copy, which was probably sent to James's aunt, Ethel de Pearsall James (1879–1960), from whom it passed to her son Robert Clabburn Trevenen James (1917 – 2008), and from him to the transcriber, his nephew.
The riots were a prelude to the Egyptian Revolution of 23 July 1952, when King Farouk was overthrown by a military coup carried out by the so-called "Free Officers" led by General Muhammad Naguib (though the real power behind it was Gamal Abdel Nasser, who became President in 1954).

Early on the morning of January 26th 1952 servants arriving at my flat, which is at 18 Adly Pasha Street, and close to the Turf Club, brought stories or some kind of disturbances in the Muski area. They asserted that there had been firing, though they were not clear as to who was firing upon whom. In view or this and my own expectations of probable disorders, I decided as soon as possible to proceed to the Embassy. I also rang up H.E. Husny Pasha. Private Secretary to His Majesty King Farouk, to ask him whether he had confirmation of disorders. He replied, "We have no confirmation and in any case after what happened yesterday at Ismailia, we are at the moment helpless.”
At about 10 a.m. I proceeded by taxi to the Embassy. My servants and other Egyptians who know me had attempted to dissuade me from going out as they stated that there would be danger. I duly reached the Embassy and asked to see Mr Wardle-Smith with whom I have recently been in contact. He was, however, engaged, and I, therefore, saw Mr Stewart to whom I briefly outlined the statements and rumours which had reached me. I then left the British Embassy and proceeded to the Australian Legation where I saw Mr Massey, the Minister, to whom I gave a similar report. Mr Massey was discussing the advisability or otherwise of proceeding with arrangements for his Australia Day reception and I informed him that I had been rung up the previous day by a prominent Egyptian whom we mutually know and that he had asked me to advise the Minister against holding the reception. I then returned by taxi (with my servant who had accompanied me) to the Turf Club. I there had my morning usual cup of soup and chatted round the fire with Judge Hume-Barne, Mr Kennedy and other members who are normally there in the mornings. A little later Mr Craig arrived and approached one of the members who was about to proceed to England, having lost his appointment with the Egyptian Educational Authorities and said that he had a useful introduction for him to a possible employer in England and would write this out for him immediately. The member remarked, "Isn't he a dear old chap" and they both proceeded to a desk for the purpose or writing the statement. (Both were killed by the mob about 20 minutes later). I then noticed from a window that the employees in the garage behind the Turf Club had left their job and were looking at something at the end or Malika Farida Street. I commented on this and various people had a look but there seemed to be no particular importance in the incident. About a quarter of an hour later, approximately 1.30 p.m. I proceeded to the entrance of the Club to leave. As I reached it, Mr Boyer (Canadian Trade Commissioner) and Mr Jones (Administrative Officer, British Council) arrived. They remarked to me that they had seen something that looked like a fire in the distance in Opera Square. We glanced up the road and noticed what appeared to be a small crowd at the far end of Adly Pasha Street, near Opera Square, but nothing outstanding. I then said goodbye and proceeded on foot to my flat at 18 Adly Pasha Street. This I reached some four minutes later. As I reached the entrance or the building an Egyptian who knew me said "get in quickly" (Housh Awwam). I was surprised, but carried out his instruction and ran upstairs to my flat on the 3rd floor. I could then hear the sound or shouting and looking from my window I saw a large crowd emerge from in front of the Miami Cinema. The Cinema was immediately attacked, I could see wood and chairs being thrown in the air; a moment afterwards two separate parties rushed one towards the Turf Club and one towards the Ford Motor Car Agency and Swedish Consulate (approximately 1 o'clock).. Within a matter of moments, dense smoke and flames were arising from both sides of the street and the flames rapidly increased in power. I immediately telephoned our Embassy and the Australian Legation, stating that the Turf Club was being attacked and that buildings were on fire. About a quarter of an hour later my servant (Mohioddin) arrived. He was streaming with perspiration and seemed in a state of collapse. He said, "The Turf Club is destroyed and they are all dead". The boy was in this state of collapse for some time, apparently with horror at what he had seen. He then explained that he had believed me to be still in the Club. He had attempted to get in, of course without success, he had seen the crowd arrive, led by two or three effendis,  the chief leader being a man with a big scar on his face whom he thinks he would recognise again. This man organised a small party carrying a lamp-post which was used as a battering ram against the main door. While this was going on a second effendi appeared and ran up the steps shouting out "you are making a mistake this is not an English Club." He was however attacked and disappeared. Almost immediately the door gave way and the effendis disappeared inside, followed by only a few of the mob. NoImmediately fire appeared from all the lower windows. My servant saw figures appearing at the windows, some of whom succeeded in getting out. They fell injured and were then attacked and the injured or dead were misused. Some bodies were thrown back into the flames. He then noticed that a lady had been seized by the mob. She was dragged off violently and he then lost sight or her when she reached the turning to Soliman Pasha Street. He said she appeared to be injured but was not speaking or offering resistance. He states that the four policemen at the Turf Club made no effort whatsoever to restrain the mob. It is possibly relevant to record that whereas on many previous occasions when demonstrations seemed likely, as many as fifty police were placed there, on this especially threatening date, only four were "guarding" the Club. My servant then left the scene and ran to my flat where he joined us. I then rang up the Embassy again and briefly described what had happened. I also mentioned that from the sounds outside the mob had now reached our building. I said that there was an Englishwoman (Mrs Dale) in the building as well as other women and children and that if assistance could be got through they should be removed immediately. I also rang up Husny Pasha again. He said he would send assistance if possible, but that at the moment this was not possible. We then watched from the windows while a number of mobs, each apparently under the leadership of two or three effendi-type young men proceeded to various shops and premises which were systematically "broken open, furniture thrown out and bonfires lighted in the streets. In each case, the mob then entered the premises evidently to acquire loot. At about this time I also noticed that the British Institute Buildings had been approached by quite a small party who proceeded in a leisurely manner into the building from which almost immediately flames and smoke began to emerge. Within half an hour I observed flames on the roof of the building, so it was presumably destroyed throughout. I then remembered that I had not told the Embassy of the capture of the English woman from the Turf Club. Our own telephone by then was not working but in an abandoned office on the floor below I discovered that the telephone was still in order and passed through the necessary information.

The gutted Turf Club a week after the massacre

Soon after I had returned to my flat and while Kodaks next door was being violently attacked and burning, there was a loud knocking on my front door and when eventually we looked out I found that a young fellow who had been in an orphanage in which I had been interested, but who is now working as a carpenter, had arrived to give us assistance. He had been quite badly injured in getting into the building. We gave him first aid and he recovered rapidly. Very soon afterwards, hearing an unusual sound I looked through the doorway of my sitting room which faces Emad el-Din Street and there saw a solid sheet of flame leaping up over my veranda and reaching the storey above us. The servants, myself and the carpenter lad seized the furniture on the veranda which was already burning, threw some of it over the side, dragged some into the rooms and then the servants cried out that the mob had seen us and that the Europeans must all go to the roof at once, as if they reached the flat, we should certainly all -be murdered. There were by now in the premises, me, an English woman (born Greek) and her husband who works at the Australian Legation, two Greek women, a German youth, a German woman and another Greeko-German young man. We all proceeded to the roof, the servants (by now four in number) saying that they would do whatever possible to protect the flat. We all went by the back staircase which was now enveloped in smoke and almost stifling, up to the roof above the 7th floor. Actually, the mob did not break in, I think mainly because the entrance hall was by now on fire and the main staircase partially destroyed. Shortly afterwards my own servant brought up the German youth enveloped in a blanket. He had apparently been found by my servant partially suffocated. The roof is divided by partitions with small openings which led to adjoining buildings. With the smoke and semi-darkness (for by now the electric light had or course failed) our surroundings were rather like a nightmare maze but we discovered another back staircase down which we presumed it would be possible to escape, though we knew that it would lead only to the main street where the mobs were still seething. Both the Greek ladies were in a state of acute hysteria, one threatened to jump from the parapet and the other to run into the street, saying that she would rather be shot than burnt. Of course, she probably did not realise that if she had been seized by the mob, her death would not have -been by shooting. It soon became evident that some of the party were regarding the English-speaking of their companions as highly undesirable associates and suddenly we round that the two Greek women, the two German women and the Greeko-German youth had disappeared, leaving myself, the Englishman and his wife, an American and also the German young man, who throughout was extremely helpful and self-controlled.
By now the fire had gradually increased in volume and the central courtyard-well was a seething mass or flame and the two first floors burning steadily. Flames were reaching us on the roof on the 7th floor. It was a curious thing that all round this “well” at the windows or the various flats there were figures, many of them screaming but making no constructive efforts about anything. It is noteworthy that the Berbering servants in all the flats appeared to be quite calm and busying themselves in carrying out the only possible measure, which was to pour bucket after bucket of water into the furnace down below. We did whatever possible to direct the proceedings. Fortunately, our water supply did not fail us, but my servant informed me that the Fire Brigade though it did arrive, refused to give any assistance. Although the efforts with buckets or water seemed fantastically inadequate, they did, in fact, keep the fire in partial control and eventually at about 7 p.m. when the Egyptian army arrived and forced the Fire Brigade to take action. it was still possible to control the fire before it went beyond the second floor, i.e. the floor immediately below my premises. At one point we heard heavy explosions and what appeared to be the sound of sten-gun fire. Everybody on the roof joyfully imagined it was the arrival or the British Army, but when my servant came upstairs he informed us that it actually was a gunsmiths shop which had been set on fire and that its contents were exploding and that also the mob had seized revolvers and other arms which they were firing in all directions. At about 6.30 p.m. I decided to try to get back to the flat to see what was happening and with the assistance of a damp cloth over my head I got down and found our servants still working and although the floor was unbearably hot and the parquet floor in my bedroom burning in places, there was still no great damage, and the remaining flames we soon put out. The remaining small party on the roof soon followed me and within half an hour we heard rumbling in the streets and the sound of firing and discovered that the Army had, in fact, this time arrived, but that it was the Egyptian Army and not the Army we were expecting. I then watched carefully from my veranda and it was impressive to notice the orderly manner in which these .forces dealt with the situation. They were not firing indiscriminately and a great deal of the firing was into the air, but within an hour the howling mobs had almost entirely disappeared from the streets, and comparative order reigned around us. We then paused, sitting on the upturned furniture, and at about this moment all the missing foreign party mysteriously arrived back. It appears that far from committing suicide or rushing into the street, they had known of a secure flat in an adjoining building in which they had quietly hidden themselves without informing the rest of the party! It is possibly interesting to comment upon the fact that the husband of the Greek lady had been absent all day. He is the owner of the whole floor upon which I reside and I have known the family for about two years. They are applying for Australian citizenship. I had been surprised at the lady's lack of anxiety at the absence of her husband, especially when she told me that he was in Choubra in the company of an Egyptian Police Officer. At about this time this man and his Police Captain in uniform and another police officer in mufti returned. They, none of them, in any way approached or attempted to assist any of the English-speaking members of the party. They collected the Greek ladies and the half-German family, and in spite of the indignant protests of the English woman, who refused to leave her husband and who therefore was being left behind with us, remarked that they were leaving the building to spend the night elsewhere. The man himself replied to the English woman's protest (he speaks excellent English) "Surely you don't think we are going to get our throats cut for you".
As all was then quiet except of course for the bursts of firing which went on all night, those of us who remained, attempted to get a little sleep without undressing. It is worth commenting that the German young man who was with us and who had lost an arm in the last war, refused to leave us and continued to be most helpful. The following morning at about 6 a.m. the wife of one of the Egyptian household staff arrived. It appears that she had walked in from an outlying part of Cairo to discover if her husband was still alive. At about 8 a.m. Colonel Husein Kafafi came to our flat. He is a personal A.D.C. of His Majesty and had come to post a guard. He explained that it had been impossible to get assistance to us until the declaration of martial law, as they had been afraid even to mention the position or friends of the King in case those who were sent allegedly to assist them, might, in fact, hand them over to the mob. A mob had in fact even attacked the Palace guard.
It is a pleasant point that while we were on the roof, one or two Berberine families (Servants) were most friendly, and an elderly woman gave us chairs in her small room for a while. On the other hand, one or two Egyptians who appeared mysteriously from amidst the smoke were heard to be enquiring if there were any English people amongst our party and that if so they must be sent into the street. None or the Berberines showed any inclination to give us away, and we endeavoured to talk French and use our best French accent which was particularly difficult for our American friend!
Later in the morning, our Greek “host” returned with his family from their security. He then commented on the destruction of Shepheards Hotel and, rather strangely, in the course of his conversation said that he had met a young Egyptian (I gathered that he already knew him) who had boasted that he was a ringleader in the firing of Shepheards and proudly exhibited a slight burn on his hand as a trophy of war. If in fact, our host was, in fact, all the time with the Egyptian Police Officer, the latter must also have heard this statement but evidently took no action.
In watching the mobs in the streets it became quite clear that the main destruction was part of an organised plan. The mobs were not one disorderly mass but appeared to be in separate groups each under the leadership of one or two effendi types. The effendis directed the attacks, set going the fires (I could not see how but they appeared to be carrying various materials) and then the mobs were left to carry out the looting. In the early stages, I saw two cars stopped and I saw screaming people, apparently Europeans being dragged out. One could not see what happened to them but they disappeared. I do not know either what happened to the cars, but they eventually also disappeared presumably driven off by members of the mob. I also saw a European dragged from a bicycle. When I last saw him most of his clothing had been torn off. I don't know what happened to him but one or two men did appear to be intervening on his behalf. It was reliably reported to me the next morning that four bodies, apparently Europeans, were lying naked in Malika Farida Street. They had been partially burnt and their stomachs had been slit up. I did not see these bodies myself but I had the reports from three different sources, I think entirely reliable. While on the roof the previous day at one moment I had counted 8 major fires, i.e. whole blocks in flames; and an uncountable number of bonfires in the streets; and shops or vehicles burning. Apart from the organising effendis the mob became increasingly frantic and were dancing and shrieking throwing materials about and at one moment, waving aloft costly necklaces and jewellery, which they had just looted from a Jewellers immediately below us. It is worthy of special comment that without exception the Berberines were well disposed towards our English-speaking party and in my opinion, without the concerted efforts or these people, not only our own block of buildings but all the large adjoining blocks, including all their inhabitants, would certainly have been consumed. It is also an interesting point that Egyptian friends of mine who apparently reached the entrance or our building in an endeavour to find me, were told that every person had already been evacuated and that there was nobody still in the block. of buildings. This deliberately false. information was given by Police standing near the entrance. I noticed at different times at least six policemen in pairs walk through the mobs without making the slightest endeavour to interfere with their activities.
A friend of mine, son of the late Dr Chahbandar the famous Syrian leader has told me the following story. His own office adjoins Barclay's Bank. When this was set on fire, he remembered that one of the Bank's staff: occupied with his family a flat on the roof. He, therefore, rushed to a police Sergeant and urged him to allow some effort to be made to get the family out. The Sergeant replied, "if you do not shut up I will hand you over to the mob." At least 17 bodies have already been found in the ruins of this bank.
I mention especially in concluding these notes, that the English woman (of Greek origin) who was with us showed throughout these trying circumstances a most calm and courageous spirit, and at many moments prevented panic increasing amongst the other women; and also was skilful and prompt in any incident when “first aid" was necessary. I suggest that the conduct of the friendly Berberines and Nubians, and of the young Egyptian carpenter-lad who, at no little personal risk, came to assist us, should be recorded and possibly with other similar cases, be officially commended at a suitable time. I have myself, no little cause for thankfulness. My flat is not much damaged. I have lost by burning one table, two carpets, a parquet floor is a little scorched and two oil paintings are blurred due to the heat and smoke. I myself, after a period or intermittent headaches and nausea and a curious fogging of my eyesight, am now almost recovered.
In thinking over certain aspects or the mob as I watched during those hours of waiting, I seem to remember that there is a classic description of a similar Egyptian mob (Said the Fisherman -by Pickthorne). I think that the Cairo mob today is much the same -except that its potential numbers are now increased by many millions and the social contrast with the few privileged classes is even more glaring. This mob is still liable to exploitation by the unscrupulous. The only new element is the very sinister element of infiltration or highly trained agitators and leaders from Stalinist Russia.
Cairo today is a devastated city; the sinister smell of smoke and burning still pervades it; there is still a sense of menace everywhere and groups of haggard and hopeless people here and there stand silently surveying their ruined homes or business premises. Grim accounts of destruction and barbarous murder still continue to come in.
30th January 1952

Visit to Abdin Palace.

On the morning of Monday 28th January 1952, at about 10.30 I decided that I should pay a visit of courtesy to Abdin Palace to express my thanks for the guard (now two constables at night and two in the day) which had been placed upon my place of residence. In the interval, I had also had a telephone call from Husna Pasha saying that His Majesty was deeply distressed at what had happened at the Turf Club and that he would like all possible details, especially about those who were injured but had survived, so that he could express his sympathy. He had also made a personal enquiry asking me to discover if possible whether Professor Bernard Holman had survived and upon my finding out for him Holman's private address, he had sent an A.D.C. to enquire personally for him. Holman, in fact, had not been caught in the Turf Club incident. H. M's A.D.C. also assisted two ladies about whose welfare I was concerned. I found Abdin Palace cordoned off by Egyptian Army but in view of the Guard who accompanied me, I was permitted to enter. I signed my name in the book and was cordially welcomed by the Chamberlains on duty. Dr Yousser Rashad Bey, Naval A.D.C.(Medical) to His Majesty and a personal friend or his then came to me, welcomed me warmly -but spoke with very grave concern on the news that had been reaching them. He then took me to the A.D.C's room where the senior Service Staff were all assembled and evidently much occupied. We had a long discussion in the course of which Rashad Bey spoke of the very dangerous weeks through which His Majesty and his entourage had been passing. He said that they fully realised the intrigues which were being carried on, not only against public order in general but also against the Royal House and His Majesty in particular. They had been aware that Fouad Sarag el-Din was at the head of these subversive activities but because or the fact that he had succeeded in insinuating his agents into almost every key position, countermeasures on the part of the Palace needed to be carried out with utmost foresight and precaution. A fact of which they were particularly aware was the subversion or the Police Force through certain officers who were put in executive positions where they could control all Police movement. These police officers had received bribes from Fouad Serag el Din and were in touch with Ahmed Hussein and with various disruptive elements including, it was strongly suspected, agents of the Soviet Embassy. During the climax of the latter few days,vcg]#  it was realised that Fouad Serag el-Din (using, of course, Nahas Pasha's name) was manoeuvring to force events in such a way that it should be His Majesty who would have to declare martial law and not the Wafdist Government. In such a case the Wafdist elements would probably have forced a revolutionary opposition and would have posed to the public as patriots who had been betrayed by His Majesty. It was for this reason that the actual declaration of martial law had to be postponed longer than His Majesty had wished. Until it was declared it was, of course, impossible for the Palace to issue any constructive Orders with any certainty that they would not be distorted or disobeyed. I refer to my previous reports to Mr Wardle-Smith at the Embassy concerning His Majesty's wish for British goodwill and to the point of view which had been expressed to me in a long talk I recently had with Aly Maher Pasha. I would again emphasize the opinion expressed to me -by Captain (R.E.N.) Izzedin Atif (former Naval A.D.C. to His Majesty) when I met him and his wife recently in Cairo. This Officer has always been considered both by reasonable Egyptian and British Authorities to be sound and a common-sense man. He also had his early training in the British Service. He has always however been a loyal Egyptian and in no sense exaggeratedly pro-British. He said to me on this occasion in the privacy of his car, but in the presence of his wife, "I am a loyal officer in the active service of His Majesty's Navy and I fully realise the seriousness of what I am saying to you, but it is my considered opinion and that of many other senior officers who have studied the situation, that the situation in Egypt has become already radically out of hand.. His Majesty continues to be a possible rallying point but I can think of no person either in the present Egyptian Government or in any Egyptian Government which might follow, who has the strength or will or resources of reconstruction to bring back order unless they have at least the tacit and possible the very active support of the British Government itself, even to the extent of some armed assistance should there be an uprising. This armed force should not, of course, be called a force of occupation because that word has acquired a particularly distasteful significance but it should be described as 'a Force to assist His Majesty's own Forces in upholding law and order'.” An exactly similar point or view was expressed to me -by an Egyptian senior Judge and by an Egyptian Doctor whom I know well through my contacts with him in his capacity as Commissioner for Arab Refugees at Gaza. I have been told by my servant yesterday that the sack or the Turf Club and the murder under atrocious circumstances of the members including ladies found there, is being spoken of by Egyptians in Cairo and in Syrian newspapers as “The greatest defeat England has ever had in Egypt". Although this opinion may be a distorted one, nevertheless it seems to need attention. I suggest now that the disaster is over that although some definite improvement is a fact, yet with regard to Zamalek, Heliopolis etc.the already-expressed threats of further attacks, conditions do still exist which need the closest watchfulness. The possibility of the appearance of British forces is being much discussed in Cairo. The various aspects of such a possibility are obviously complicated and very serious in implication.
After my call at Abdin Palace, I also called on the Prime Minister (Ali Maher Pasha) and then with my Guard escort did a tour of Cairo and was appalled at the extent of the damage. Crowds were milling about still and I am afraid it would be quite incorrect to say that the majority of them were regarding the destruction with distress. I got a very definite impression that a good many or the grinning faces who were regarding the devastation were those or the young men who had themselves taken part in it. With the prestige or my personal guard, I took a delight (perhaps a little ridiculous) in approaching certain seated police sentries and ordering them to stand to attention while I questioned them. I think the police and the onlookers were much surprised but made no protest.
At Abdin Palace, I had been warned that though the position had greatly improved, we are by no means yet out of danger. On a request passed to me through His Majesty's secretary, I also visited our Cathedral, & certain families in Zamalek, to assure safety. At the end of the morning, I visited the British Embassy and made a brief report.
30th January 1952

Appendix to report of 30th January 1952

Reference to Page 2 para 2 of my report11 on a visit to Abdin Palace on Monday, 28th January, I have to add the following statement. Definite information has now reached me that when finally the bodies of the victims of the tragedy at the Turf Club had been found at the Cairo Morgue, it was seen that though Egyptian corpses in that place were placed on tables or slabs, all the bodies of the British people had been thrown indiscriminately together in a corner on the ground. It was clearly evident that all these bodies had been brutalized. In one case the legs had been severed above the knee; one had a hand cut off; others had fingers severed; most had their stomachs ripped open. These bodies included that of an English woman.

Notes

1.  James was a personal friend of King Farouk of Egypt (1920-1965, reigned 1936-1952) and claimed to be the only person who dared to beat him at chess.
2.  On 25th January 1952, British troops attacked the Egyptian police barracks in the town of Ismailia after the police refused to surrender. Fifty Egyptian police officers were killed and one hundred were wounded.
3.  Australia Day is 26th January
4.  James Ireland Craig, CBE (24 Feb 1868 – 26 Jan 1952) was a mathematician and Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He served with the Egyptian Ministry of Finance as Controller General 1925-28, then as Financial Secretary to the Egyptian Census 1928-34. In 1909 he invented the Craig retroazimuthal map projection, sometimes known as the Mecca projection because, as it preserves the direction from any place to another predetermined place, it was invented to help Muslims find the direction of Mecca.
5. “Effendi” is an honorific used in some Middle-Eastern countries to denote an educated man, subordinate to titles such as “Bey” or “Pasha”
6.  This is presumably a reference to the novel Saïd the Fisherman by (Mohammad) Marmaduke William Pickthall, an English convert to Islam. Published by McClure, Philips & Co., 1904.
7.  Private Secretary to King Farouk
8.  Fuad Sareg El Din was the Interior Minister, Finance Minister and Secretary of the governing Wafd party. In 1954 he was sentenced to 15 years in prison by a court of the Revolutionary Command Council. [Time Magazine, 8 Feb 1954]
9.  Mustafa El-Nahas Pasha was the Prime Minister up until the day of the riots on 26 January. His Government was dismissed by the King the following day.
10.  Ali Maher was appointed Prime Minister on 27 January, but his Government lasted only until 1 March.
11.  i.e. the paragraph “I have been told by my servant ... serious in implication” I vividly remember these same people as I had seen them and talked with them just before I left the Club, only just before their brutal murder. All were in a peaceful and unsuspecting mood, reading, writing or chatting. None of them was in any way connected with politics. Several had spent many years in faithful service of the Egyptians, in scholastic, scientific and similar occupations. Mr. & Mrs Crawford and Mr Kennedy were about to leave for England due to the recent discharge (itself arbitrary and illegal) of British officials in Egyptian Government service. Mr. & Mrs Crawford have a young son (some 14 years of age) at school in England. In addition to the grave mental shock to this lad, he is also now left without the financial provision which his parents devoted to him. Though this grave tragedy must, of course, be dealt with without hysteria it must not be minimized. Adequate reparation -as far as such is possible, & most solemn and outspoken public protest rendered officially seem to be the least measures to be demanded.
12. As a person who escaped a similar fate at a margin of moments only, and who was with these friends, fellow members of our British Community here, just before their death, I feel that this tribute of advocacy, however modest its influence, is my duty.
13. 6th February 1952
14. 
    

Destruction

Most of the destruction, the extent of which was unforeseen by everyone, occurred between 12:30 pm and 11 pm. A total of £3.4 million damage was done to British and foreign property. Nearly 300 shops were destroyed, including some of Egypt's most famous department stores, such as Cicurel, Omar Effendi and the Salon Vert. The damage tally also included 30 corporate offices, 13 hotels (among which Shepheard's, Metropolitan and Victoria), 40 movie theaters(among which Rivoli, Radio, Metro, Diana and Miami), eight auto shows, 10 firearms shops, 73 coffeehouses and restaurants (including Groppi's), 92 bars and 16 social clubs. As for the human casualties, 26 people died and 552 suffered injuries such as burns and bone fractures. Thousands of workers were displaced due to the destruction of these establishments.

• Metropolitan Hotel
• Victoria Hotel
• Shepherds Hotel
• Turf Club
• Cicurel Department Store
• Omar Effendi Department Store
• Salon Vert Department Store
• Barclays Bank
• Thomas Cook
• Diana
• Metro
• Miami
• Radio
• Rivoli
• Groppi's