Friday, 7 September 2018

Murder of Police Commissioner George Duckett, Hamilton, Bermuda, 9th September 1972

Police Commissioner George Duckett


Name - George Duckett OBE (1 December 1930-9th September 1972)
Occupation - Police Commissioner 
Assassins -  Erskine Durrant "Buck" Burrows  &  Larry Tacklyn
Assassination Method -  Shot with revolvers
Place of Death - Bleak House, North Shore, Hamilton, Bermuda


The Black Panthers: Their Dangerous Bermudian Legacy
By Mel Ayton

"The Sixties defined itself by its efforts to delegitimize the police as an ‘army of occupation’ while also celebrating crime as a form of existential rebellion and the outlaw as a perceptive social critic. There was a numbing barrage against what was derided as ‘law and order’ seen in slogans such as ‘off the pigs’, in the insistence that ‘all minority prisoners are political prisoners’, and in the romanticizing of murderers like George Jackson who deserved to be locked deeper in the prison system rather than becoming international symbols of American injustice.”-- David Horowitz and Peter Collier, Destructive Generation

The struggle for equal rights was the high point in Bermuda’s history. The assassinations of the police chief, the Governor and his aide and the murders of two Hamilton shopkeepers was its lowest. Recently released Foreign Office and Scotland Yard files delineate the role Bermuda’s Black Beret Cadre played in the conspiracy to assassinate the island’s Police Chief and Governor. The Black Beret Cadre was a militant organization that modelled itself on America’s Black Panthers. Like the Panthers they believed they had a God-given right to inflict their pathologies on the rest of society and in so doing inflicted great harm on Bermuda and its people.

The role the Black Berets played in the assassinations has been whitewashed by consecutive Bermudian Governments for three decades and the truth has remained buried – until now. The UK’s Foreign Office and Scotland Yard files show how the tragic events of the early seventies had been viewed by many Bermudian politicians as a stain upon Bermuda’s reputation as a haven for travellers and an island of tranquillity. This attitude prompted them to ignore the Black Beret connection to the assassinations lest further investigations stir up trouble between the races and provoke island - wide riots. Political leaders were also afraid that the truth about the murders and the instability of its political system, which the killings exposed, would damage Bermuda’s tourist industry which was its principle source of income. They were also embarrassed that an organization like the Black Berets, which had been widely supported by many Bermudians, was connected to the killings. Although two black Bermudians were tried and executed for the murders the weak response of the Government in establishing a wider conspiracy effectively swept the whole affair under the carpet.

During the late 1960s the American Black Panther Party’s influence and example extended far beyond the shores of the United States. It was the trial of Panther leader Huey Newton and the travels abroad by members of the party to raise money for his defence that provoked worldwide attention to the black-clad, shotgun-toting black revolutionaries. The Panthers became a role model for various radical political movements throughout the world, including the Black Panther Movement in the United Kingdom, the Black Panther Parties in Australia and Israel, the Dalit Panthers in India as well as the Black Berets in Bermuda.

The American Black Panthers were probably the most violently racist of all the black groups in the United States. It was founded in 1966 and its leaders promoted their organisation as one which advocated self-help and keeping drugs out of black communities across the United States. The original philosophy behind the Panthers combined militant black nationalism with Marxism-Leninism (later Mao Zedong and Ho Chi Minh would inspire them) and advocated black empowerment and self - defense, often through confrontation. During its heyday, members of the Black Panthers murdered more than a dozen law-enforcement officers. Today, former Panthers Eddie Conway, Mumia Abu-Jamal, H. Rap Brown, Ed Poindexter and David Rice are serving life sentences.

Panther Eldridge Cleaver was responsible for the international wing of the party. In 1969 he had fled from to Algeria after a period of time in Cuba. He had served almost 12 years in prison on a variety of assault with intent to murder, drug, rape and theft charges. Cleaver once claimed that violating white women had political intentions. Cleaver wrote, “I became a rapist. To refine my technique and modus operandi, I started out practicing on black girls….and when I considered myself smooth enough I crossed the tracks and sought out white prey. I did this consciously, deliberately, wilfully, methodically…rape was an insurrectionary act. It delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man’s laws, upon his system of values, and I was defiling his women.”

According to former Black Panther supporter, Sol Stern, Newton, Cleaver and their colleagues were nothing but, “….psychopathic criminals, not social reformers….a torrent of articles and books, many written by former sympathizers, has voluminously documented the Panther reign of murder and larceny within their own community. So much so that no one but a left wing crank could still believe in the Panther myth of dedicated young blacks ‘serving the people’ while heroically defending themselves against unprovoked attacks by the racist police.”

Another leading light of the movement, Bobby Seale, admitted in 2002 that the Panthers were indeed criminals. He agreed with former Black Panther supporter, David Horowitz, who said the Panthers were responsible for at least 12 murders and were effectively a criminal gang no better than the Mafia. Horowitz stated, “The Panthers were – just as the police and other Panther detractors said at the time – a criminal army at war with society and with its thin blue line of civic protectors…..The story of the Panthers’ crimes is not unknown. But it is either uninteresting or unbelievable to a progressive culture that still regards white racism as the primary cause of all ills in black America, and militant thugs like the Panthers as mere victims of politically inspired repression…..the existence of a Murder Incorporated in the heart of the American left is something the Left really doesn’t want to know or think about……They were attempting to launch a civil war in America that would have resulted in unimaginable bloodshed.”

Although the Black Panthers were, effectively, a criminal gang of anti-white racists, young black Bermudians held a different view and saw them instead as the type of black organization that could bring power and self-esteem into their communities. As time passed the increasingly violent role the Panthers were acting out throughout the United States was not lost on the Black Berets. The original idealism that was initially central to the Berets’ philosophy was replaced by efforts to overthrow the Bermudian government and institute a Marxist dictatorship modelled along Cuban lines.

The Black Beret Cadre was formed by 22 year old John Hilton Bassett in late 1969. Bassett was a Bermudian who had spent some time in the United States and who had been inspired by the Panthers’ aggressive style in fighting alleged police racism. His revolutionary name was ‘Dionne’. He adopted as the group’s motto, “Peace if possible, compromise never, freedom by any means necessary.” Bassett quoted Cuba as a good example for revolutionary action and told of how a small band had conditioned the people and eventually taken control of the country.

The Black Beret Cadre membership never went beyond 100. Often only 50 or so members attended the meetings. However, its influence was greater than the sum of its parts.The organisation’s fame reflected the kind of attention the American Black Panthers attracted even though both groups were relatively small in numbers. The Berets also imitated the Panthers in the way it attracted many criminal elements into its organization.

The key theme with both organisations was ‘freedom by any means necessary’ which included assassination. Taking their cue from the Black Panthers, whose primary aim was to bait the ‘racist cops’, the Black Berets exhorted its members and all Bermudian youth to confront the ‘English racist police’ as frequently as possible and prepare for the coming conflict between blacks and whites.

The Black Berets held rallies and meetings and a ‘council of war’ debating how and when their organisation would confront the ‘power establishment’. They also ran a ‘Liberation School’ for children ages 8 to 12. Its purpose was to indoctrinate young black Bermudians in communist revolution and the ideology of Black Power. Its propaganda said the purpose of the school was to teach ‘African Unity and African History’ . However, its true mission which was to indoctrinate children in the Berets’ goals of fighting capitalism, hating whites, murdering police officers and to overthrow the government. A Foreign Office memo stated, “It is not easy to ban (literature) but having looked at a selection of Black Power publications and similar literature (distributed by the Black Berets) it is hard to imagine anything more poisonous to the young mind…the cold-blooded murder of three (American) sheriffs appears in a Black Panther magazine as ‘Three Pigs Executed’…..”

The Black Berets also imitated the Black Panthers by publishing a revolutionary newspaper, “Voice Of The Revolutionaries”. The first issue was released in March 1970.Many of its articles were simply re-writes of articles that appeared in the Black Panther’s own newspaper. The periodical incited Bermudians ‘to rise up against their colonial masters’ and the ‘tyrant white power structure’.

Between 1969 and 1971 the Black Beret Cadre was relatively successful in attracting young blacks to support its revolutionary goals and the organization’s Black Power literature was instrumental in successfully recruiting youths who had criminal records. Some recruitment was carried out in Bermuda’s maximum security prison, Casemates. British Intelligence officials believed that some members had received revolutionary warfare training in Cuba. They also believed the Berets were the instigators of the island-wide riots of 1970.

In 1972 the Black Berets began to compile a “hit-list of the Bermuda ‘pigs’ ” they intended to execute. They also began to stockpile weapons including pistols and shotguns which were to be used when the time was ripe for revolution.

It was not until late 1972 that the Berets’ indoctrination methods paid off. For a number of years they had surveilled the homes of police officers and government officials for the express purposes of assassination when the time was right. They had even ‘reconnoitred’ the Governor of Bermuda’s residence and the home of the police chief, George Duckett. According to a Black Beret informant, Sylvan Musson:

The aims of the Cadre were towards Marxism and Communism. It was common knowledge within the Cadre that certain persons holding important offices in Bermuda would have to be removed by any means necessary including as a last resort by killing those individuals. The names given as to whom were the enemies of the people and these included politicians, policemen and members of the Judiciary. Included among these persons were the Governor, the Commissioner of Police, who together with the premier at that time, Jack Tucker, were high on the lists…..Towards that end the Cadre conducted exercises to reconnoitre the houses and premises occupied by those considered to be enemies. I know that the houses of certain police officers were reconnoitred and charted including that of Mr Duckett, the Commissioner at that time. Also the movements of many police officers were noted and the index numbers of their vehicles and their associates recorded. I did not personally reconnoitre the house of Mr Duckett and I cannot recall who did so but I know it was done. I know that other members reconnoitred the houses of policemen and members of the Judiciary. I personally was involved in looking around police headquarters….. I did this twice during the hours of darkness, each timewith [the ‘third man’ suspect in the Governor’s assassination*]. On both occasions we entered police headquarters and operations by way of Prospect Road. We had binoculars and used to note the movements of vehicles and personnel, also the numbers of vehicles, locations of the radio control and taking notes of the lights, fuel pumps and ways of entry and exit…….With [the ‘third man’ suspect in the Governor’s assassination]. I conducted four reconnoitres of Government House and its grounds. On each occasion we entered from Bernard Park across Marsh Folly Road into Government House grounds by climbing the gate or wire fence and going up the concrete steps which lead to the main driveway. Sometimes we crossed the drive and climbed the grass bank which leads to the main entrance of the house. From there we could see into the house and watched what was going on…..( the ‘third man’ suspect in the Governor’s assassination) made sketches of the grounds and buildings including the positions where police…could be found ….the Governor at that time was Lord Martonmere…..

The first murder was committed on 9th September 1972 and its victim was the Police Commissioner, George Duckett. Duckett, was an expatriate police officer who had previously served in a number of British colonies around the world. He had been appointed Police Commissioner, in part, to deal with black youth unrest. His methods of confrontation, however, were characterized by some Bermudian politicians as an example of “white police repression”.

Duckett was described by the Berets as, “a mercenary and a killer who has virtually a free hand in suppressing black people and who, despite being a mercenary, was efficient and planned his moves in advance”. In fact Duckett was appointed because of his excellent police work in Nigeria and the West Indies and was offered the position because of his policing skills. He held the view that civil unrest must be confronted head on lest the unruly element in society gain a foothold which would lead to a higher crime rate. His views were no different from those prevailing in the UK and the US whose police forces had been learning valuable lessons during race-related riots that had occurred in previous years.

Duckett had been lured to the back porch of his home, Bleak House, where he was ambushed by his killer or killers. He was shot with a .22 calibre Schmidt revolver. A number of shots were then fired through the kitchen window one of which struck Duckett’s daughter, Marcia. Duckett died but his daughter survived. The attempt to kill Marcia was deliberate, according to forensics experts.

The Bermuda Police, ill-equipped to deal with a major murder enquiry, sought the assistance of Britain’s Scotland Yard Murder Squad who had been involved in previous murder investigations on the island. Scotland Yard flew a team of detectives out to the colony. A substantial reward was offered by the Bermudian Government, but neither money nor murder squad could raise any clues to the killers’ identities.

The new Governor of Bermuda, Sir Richard Sharples, a sailing friend of UK Prime Minister Edward Heath, suspected the involvement of the Black Beret Cadre in Duckett’s murder. Although a number of Black Beret members were interviewed none were charged.

Sharples’s suspicions were met with scepticism by most members of the Bermudian Government who believed the crime was the work of either a madman or drug dealers. In a December 1972 memo to the Foreign Office he had written, “ [Scotland Yard Detectives Wright and Haddrell’s] … departure is an indication that no solution to the crime is in sight. Mr Wright is now inclined to discount any connection between the former Commissioner’s murder and drug traffic. This leaves a grudge against Mr Duckett personally, or a political assassination as the most likely motives. Obtaining information about the activities of a small hard core of the Black Beret Cadre must remain a priority.”

Following the British detectives’ return to London and exactly six months to the day since the Police Commissioner was killed, Governor Sharples and his aide Captain Hugh Sayers were shot dead in the grounds of the Governor’s mansion. Sir Richard’s great dane, Horsa, was also killed. Once again a team of detectives were requested to investigate the crime. The team was led by Scotland Yard detectives, Chief Superintendant Wright and Detective Inspector Basil Haddrell. With no more evidence than that two black men were seen running from the scene of the latest shootings and a conviction that the two murders were linked with that of the Police Commissioner, the detectives conceded defeat for a second time and left what investigating could still be carried out to the local police. Police investigations, through the use of witnesses also established that at least three, and possibly more, perpetrators were responsible for the assassination of the Governor.

Then, on April 6th 1973 in Hamilton, the capital city of the island, two white shopkeepers, Mark Doe and Victor Rego were found dead on the floor of their store. They had been shot with a .32 pistol although some .22 bullets were left at the scene of the crime. The .22 bullets indicated a link with the murder of George Duckett. With what now seemed like a further embarrassment to the Bermuda Government Scotland Yard detectives were once more called to investigate. A new and enlarged police team arrived in Bermuda and in desperation the Bermuda Government offered a reward of three million dollars for information leading to the apprehension of the killers. Once again two men had been seen leaving the shop after the crime and this time witnesses were able to name one of them – Larry Winfield Tacklyn. Tacklyn, a fair skinned black Bermudian in his early twenties had been a life long criminal from an early age and had many criminal convictions on his record.

Tacklyn had fled Bermuda after the assassination with Black Berets Ottiwell Simmons Jr. and Charles De Shields. Tacklyn was the only member of the group who was detained at Toronto airport, Canada.He was returned to Bermuda and placed in police custody. The Bermuda investigators continued to search for his accomplices even though the prime suspects were known to be in Canada.

In September 1973, the Bank of Bermuda was robbed of $28,000 by an armed man later identified as ex-convict 29 year old Erskine Durrant ‘Buck’ Burrows and on the 18th October detectives, acting on a tip off, arrested him. Soon police tied Burrows and Tacklyn together and they were charged with the spate of murders.

At their trials, held in Hamilton in 1976, both Tacklyn and Burrows were accused of the murders of Sir Richard Sharples, Captain Hugh Sayers and the two shopkeepers. Burrows alone was indicted for the Duckett killing. At the end of the trials Burrows was found guilty of all five murders, Tacklyn only of the supermarket killings, despite the testimony of Tacklyn friend Michael Wayne Jackson who said Tacklyn had confessed to the murder of Sharples. Both Burrows and Tacklyn were sentenced to death and hanged. The hangings provoked island-wide riots causing millions of dollars worth of damage to property and the deaths of three people.

It emerged that though the two men were simply professional criminals they entertained some sympathy with the Black Power movement and this had established some kind of political motive for the crimes. During Burrows’ trial he sent a written confession to the prosecutor in which he admitted killing the Governor “along with others I shall never name”. As the years passed there was no desire on the part of any political party or the Bermudian Government to investigate who had been behind the murders.

Opening the Files

Thirty years later a fuller understanding of what exactly occurred was discovered in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office files about the murders and the newly released Scotland Yard Bermuda murders files which were transferred to the UK’s Public Records Office in 2005. I was given access to the files before their transfer from Scotland Yard. The files, which I examined in the summer of 2004, provide a different story about the Governor’s assassination than was previously known; a story which had never been presented at the trials. They point the finger of guilt fairly and squarely at Black Beret members who controlled Burrows and Tacklyn and who were the real authors of the string of assassinations and murders.

The Foreign Office files reveal the growing concern the Bermudian and UK governments had with the Black Beret Cadre. The Scotland Yard files do not simply infer a conspiracy to murder the Police Chief and Governor. They actually name a third person, the son of a powerful Bermudian politician, as a participant who was directly involved in the assassination. The Scotland Yard files also reveal how a group of Bermudians, an “unholy alliance” of underworld criminals and some Black Beret activists, conspired to commit murder and robbery. The underworld element was led by self-styled Godfather, Bobby Greene, who owned a restaurant on Hamilton’s Court Street. He was the mastermind behind the 72/73 armed robberies, and was a known drug importer/dealer.

Tacklyn, Burrows and other Black Beret suspects in the murders spent most of their free time at Greene’s restaurant. In fact, it was known as a meeting place for the Berets. Following the assassinations, and during a period when he was held on remand in Bermuda’s Casemates Prison (for an unrelated crime in which he was never convicted), Greene was questioned by Scotland Yard detectives. According to the Scotland Yard files he told them about Larry Tacklyn’s role in the murder of the Governor. Greene attempted to make a deal with the detectives to save his own hide. Before he died in 2005 Greene confessed that he once participated in a plan, never effected, to blow up the Bermudian parliament.

The Scotland Yard and Foreign Office files allege that a group of Black Beret members had planned the assassination of the Governor and reconnoitred Government House on at least four occasions in the years before the actual shootings. The planned attack on George Duckett, Scotland Yard detectives discovered, was taken straight from an urban guerrilla manual which was amongst literature used by Black Beret members. Black Beret leader John Hilton ‘Dionne’ Bassett had been seen practice firing a .38 revolver, the same type of weapon used to kill the Governor. Scotland Yard detectives were also suspicious of Dionne Bassett’s movements following the murder of the Police Chief. Bassett left the island on the 30th September 1972, shortly after George Duckett's murder, and was known to harbor a deep hatred for the Police Commisioner. Bassett eventually returned to the island but was never charged with any offence. He died in 1998. This information was never made known during the trials of Burrows and Tacklyn.

The files also establish that from the beginning, following the Governor’s assassination, Acting Governor I.A.C. Kinnear knew that Black Militants had been behind the murders of the Police Chief and the Governor. One of the reasons Kinnear came to this conclusion was that a leading Black Beret member, the ‘third man’ involved in the actual assassination of the Governor, according to the Scotland Yard files, fled the island in disguise accompanied by Larry Tacklyn. The ‘Third Man’ exerted a kind of psychic hold over Burrows and Tacklyn and Scotland Yard detectives believed he was responsible for indoctrinating and controlling the two assassins.

‘The Third Man’ was connected to the assassination of the Governor by a shotgun shell found in his home. A warrant for his arrest was issued but was never acted upon. The files reveal that US police had been contacted and asked to keep an eye on him but he was never extradited. He returned to the island a few years later, in the early 1980s, but the arrest warrant had mysteriously gone missing. The missing arrest warrant, according to an ex-police officer who acted as a source for my book A Conspiracy To Kill, indicates there was a conspiracy to prevent the arrest of the third suspect. The motive, allegedly, was a fear that riots would ensue.

The former police officer stated,“Tacklyn, [the third man]…... My opinion is, and was, that if they brought [the third man] back this would create such a political mess…..The government had enough on it's plate. The Island was divided 50-50 on the race issue. They had enough trouble dealing with all the black participants. Tacklyn was easy meat, he was not involved directly with (powerful elements of the black opposition party), as (the third man) was. I guess the feeling was if anything comes to light that can directly involve and get a confession from someone or point to (the third man) that they could put before the courts, its better to have him at arms length and being watched.”

The Governor’s widow, Lady Sharples, had been told the police were not going to arrest the third suspect but intended only to “keep an eye on him and if he put a foot out of place he would be arrested”. In September 2004 I received a letter from Sir Richard’s widow. She knew about the third suspect and wrote, “[The Third man] went to the USA at that time where he was under observance, returned to Bermuda many years later, where I was informed he would not be arrested if he did not step out of line….”.Lady Sharples (now Baroness Sharples) had been puzzled as to why the third man had not been arrested.

The third suspect has never been brought to justice. In the early 1990s he joined a black racist sect and exiled himself to Dimona, Israel. His mentor is the Black Hebrew leader Ben Ami Carter. There are reportedly 2000 followers of Carter, who founded the sect in 1967, and contends that he is the Messiah. An Israeli magazine once described the group as “an island of insanity.” The Black Hebrews fits all definitions of a destructive cult and they are well known in Israel and elsewhere as “black supremacists”.

In 2005 the American authorities began investigating Carter and his 11deputies. The FBI and the Diplomatic Security Service in Tel Aviv operated together in the fraud investigation into allegations of Social Security fraud and passport fraud. Members of the sect who are American citizens and eligible to receive US benefits came under strict investigation. The value of the fraud cases reached into the millions of dollars. The US probe into allegations of social security fraud and passport fraud is similar to an Israel police probe into allegations of fraud, child abuse and the forgery of identity cards and passports.

The former members of the Black Beret Cadre continue to court controversy. In the 1980s, at the time the Black Hebrews sect was under investigation in the US for RICO violations, a former Black Beret member, Mel Saltus, established a branch in Bermuda. He is presently the leader of the Bermudian Branch of the Black Hebrews. Saltus is representative of former Berets who have not abandoned their radical views. Ben Aaharon, as he later became known, spoke at a memorial for former Black Beret Cadre leader Dionne Bassett who died at the age of 49 in 1998. Saltus, who was acting as spokesman for former Black Beret members, denied the Black Berets were "rebels without a cause" and spends some considerable amount of time persuading a new generation of black Bermudians that the Black Berets had a positive impact on Bermuda.

Recent speeches and articles by some American academics to defend the Black Panther Party have found a sympathetic audience in Bermuda, especially amongst former Black Beret members and supporters. This group includes some former Beret members who are now in government. These present-day advocates insist the Berets were an important part of Bermuda’s history. Although many Bermudian leaders have romanticised the Black Beret Cadre there is no acknowledgement of the violence the group used in its efforts to provoke a communist revolution. The arbiters of political correctness within the ruling Progressive Labor Party have repeatedly characterized the Berets as “freedom fighters” and honourable men and women who were fighting for equal rights and the empowerment of black Bermudians. As the Scotland Yard files make clear nothing could be farther from the truth.

In light of the new information about the Black Beret Cadre which can be found in the previously secret government files, it would behove black leaders like Jennifer Smith, a former Premier, to cease characterizing the Black Beret Cadre as “freedom fighters”. If Bermuda ever experiences a groundswell for closure to the murders and assassinations of the early 70s, it would inevitably require the Bermudian Government to bring those responsible to justice. The government could begin with an investigation of “the third man” and others named in the Scotland Yard files who were the inspiration for, and the co-conspirators of, Tacklyn and Burrows. Until that time the ghosts of George Duckett, Sir Richard Sharples, Captain Hugh Sayers, Victor Rego and Mark Doe will continue to haunt all Bermudians – a testament about the times and a reproach to those leaders who don’t want to hear the bad news lest it interfere with their “perfect paradise”.

*The identity of the ‘Third Man’ is withheld for legal purposes prior to the publication of A Conspiracy To Kill.




Murder of Sir Richard Sharples, Government House, Hamilton, Bermuda, 10th March 1973

Sir Richard Sharples


  • Name - Sir Richard Sharples
  • Occupation - Governor of Bermuda
  • Assassins -  Erskine Durrant "Buck" Burrows  &  Larry Tacklyn
  • Assassination Method -  Shot with revolvers
  • Place of Death - Government House, Hamilton, Bermuda


Sir Richard Christopher Sharples KCMG OBE MC (6 August 1916 – 10 March 1973) was a British politician and Governor of Bermuda who was shot dead by assassins linked to a small militant Bermudian Black Power group called the Black Beret Cadre. The former army major, who had been a Cabinet Minister, resigned his seat to take up the position of Governor of Bermuda in late 1972. His murder would result in the last executions to be conducted under British rule anywhere in the world.

Assassination

Sharples was killed outside Bermuda's Government House on the evening of 10 March 1973. An informal dinner party for a small group of guests had just concluded, when he decided to go for a walk with his Great Dane, Horsa, and his aide-de-camp, Captain Hugh Sayers of the Welsh Guards. The two men and dog were ambushed and gunned down outside the Governor's residence.

The Governor's coffin was borne by officers of the Bermuda Regiment, and his aide Sayer's by a party from the Welsh Guards. The coffins were carried atop 25 Pounder field guns of the Bermuda Regiment, to the Leander class frigate HMS Sirius, which was stationed at HM Dockyard Bermuda at the time. The ship's Royal Marines detachment provided an honour guard on the flight deck. HMS Sirius conveyed the bodies from Hamilton to St. George's, where they were interred at St. Pater's Church. After the assassination HMS Sirius provided enhanced security for Senior Naval Officer West Indies (SNOWI) who was stationed on the island. The airborne company was subsequently posted to the Dockyard to guard SNOWI.

Sharples was buried in the graveyard at St Peter's Church in St George's on 16 March 1973, six days after his assassination, with Captain Sayers and Great dane, Horsa.

Elements of the British Army's airborne forces, which were training at Warwick Camp with the Bermuda Regiment at the time of the murders, were called in to assist the civil authorities. The 23 Parachute Field Ambulance, 1 Parachute Logistic Regiment and the band of the 1st Battalion, The Parachute Regiment subsequently provided protection for Government buildings, officials and dignitaries as well as assisting the Bermuda Police.

Police launched a massive manhunt and investigation. Eventually, in 1976, a petty criminal named Erskine Durrant "Buck" Burrows was arrested. He confessed to shooting dead Sharples and Sayers. At his trial he was also convicted of murdering the Bermuda Police commissioner George Duckett on 9 September 1972 and killing the co-owner and the bookkeeper of a supermarket in April 1973.

In his confession Burrows wrote:

The motive for killing the Governor was to seek to make the people, black people in particular, become aware of the evilness and wickedness of the colonialist system in this island. Secondly, the motive was to show that these colonialists were just ordinary people like ourselves who eat, sleep and die just like anybody else and that we need not stand in fear and awe of them.
A co-accused named Larry Tacklyn was acquitted of assassinating Sharples and Sayers but was convicted of killing Victor Rego and Mark Doe at the Shopping Centre supermarket in April 1973. Unlike Burrows, who did not care whether he was to be executed, Tacklyn expected to get a "last minute" reprieve.

Both murderers remained in Casemates Prison while the appeals process for Tacklyn was brought before the House of Lords in London. During this time, it was reported that Tacklyn passed the time playing table tennis, while Burrows took a virtual vow of silence, only communicating his thoughts and requests on scraps of paper.

Both men were hanged on 2 December 1977 at Casemates Prison. A moratorium on hanging was then in effect, and, although others had been sentenced to death in the intervening years, no one had been executed in Bermuda since the Second World War. Burrows and Tacklyn would be the last people to be executed under British rule anywhere in the world.

Three days of rioting followed the executions. During the riots, the Bermuda Regiment proved too small to fulfill its role (which was considered by Major General Glyn Gilbert, the highest ranking Bermudian in the British Army, in his review of the regiment, leading to its increase from 400 soldiers to a full battalion of 750). As a consequence, at the request of the Bermuda Government, soldiers of the 1st Battalion the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers were flown in as re-inforcements in the aftermath of the riots. The cost of the damages was estimated to be $2 million.

Also Killed With Sharples
Captain Hugh Ralph Lorne Sayers (1946-1973)

Murder of Lord Moyne, Cairo, Egypt, 6th November 1944

Lord Moyne



  • Name - Lord Moyne
  • Occupation - Former Secretary of State for the Colonies
  • Assassins -  Eliyahu Bet-Zuri and Eliyahu Hakim
  • Assassination Method -  Shot with revolvers
  • Place of Death - Cairo, Egypt



Walter Edward Guinness, 1st Baron Moyne, DSO & Bar, PC (29 March 1880 – 6 November 1944) was an Anglo-Irish politician and businessman. He served as the British minister of state in the Middle East until November 1944, when he was assassinated by the Jewish terrorist group Lehi. The assassination of Lord Moyne sent shock waves through Palestine and the rest of the world.

Assassination

n the early afternoon of 6 November 1944, Eliyahu Bet-Zuri (1922-45) and Eliyahu Hakim (1925-45) of the Jewish militant group Lehi waited for Moyne near his home in Cairo following a well-planned and much practised plan of action to assassinate Moyne.

Moyne arrived in his car with his driver, Lance Corporal Arthur Fuller, his secretary, Dorothy Osmond, and his ADC, Major Andrew Hughes-Onslow. The ADC went to open the front door of the residence and the driver got out to open the door for Moyne. They were suddenly told not to move, as Bet-Zuri emerged and shot Fuller in the chest, causing him to collapse in the driveway and bleed to death in minutes. Hakim then pulled the car door open and shot Moyne three times. The first bullet hit him in the neck on the right side, just above the clavicle, the second penetrated his abdomen, punctured his colon and large intestine, and became embedded to the right of the second lumbar vertebrae, while the third shot, fired after Moyne raised his right hand, ripped across four of his fingers and went in and out of his chest, causing no serious injuries.

Hakim and Bet-Zuri ran out of the yard, jumped on their rented bicycles, and began pedaling down the street away from the scene. Major Hughes-Onslow rushed to the sentry box and raised the alarm. Hearing it, Hakim and Bet-Zuri turned onto a side street. They had very nearly gotten away when an Egyptian motorcycle policeman, El-Amin Mahomed Abdullah, caught up to them. Bet-Zuri fired a volley of warning shots in his direction, which he ignored. Abdullah then dismounted and ordered him to drop his weapon. Bet-Zuri attempted to shoot out the motorcycle's tires, but found that his pistol had run out of ammunition, and as he attempted to reload it, Abdullah fired, hitting Bet-Zuri in the chest. Hearing the commotion, Hakim turned back to help Bet-Zuri, and within minutes, another policeman appeared, and the two were placed under arrest.

Meanwhile, Moyne regained consciousness, and in a few minutes, a doctor and ambulance arrived. Moyne was rushed to a British military hospital in Cairo, and admitted at 1:40 p.m., in critical condition, having lost a great deal of blood through gross hemorrhaging and suffering from shock. Five minutes later, he was given the first of three blood transfusions, causing his condition to improve. After he complained of a burning sensation down his right leg and an inability to move it, X-rays revealed an injury to his thoracic vertebrae. Later, his right arm also became paralyzed as a result of the neck wound. Doctors were reluctant to operate until his condition improved, but at 5:30, a lumbar puncture revealed a blood stain, and it was decided to operate. He was given another blood transfusion, and in the operation that followed, surgeons removed the bullet lodged near the second lumbar vertebra and discovered the injuries to the colon and large intestine, while the neck wound and finger wounds were cleaned. Soon after the operation, his condition began to deteriorate, and he died at 8:40 pm, aged 64.

As the principal witness at the trial, Major Hughes-Onslow became a marked man and was sent to Aden and then to Khartoum for his safety. He subsequently said, "No doubt Lord Moyne could have been regarded as a target for political assassination, but the shooting of the chauffeur was pure murder."

Moyne's body was flown home to England and cremated on 17 November at Golders Green Crematorium.

According to Lehi leader Natan Yellin-Mor, the group's founder Ya'ir Stern had considered the possibility of assassinating the British Minister Resident in the Middle East as early as 1941 before Moyne held the position. Moyne's predecessor Richard Casey was deemed unsuitable because he was Australian. When Moyne replaced Casey in 1944, planning for the operation began.

As well as being the highest British official within Lehi's reach, Moyne was regarded as personally responsible for Britain's Palestine policy. In particular, he was regarded as one of the architects of Britain's strict immigration policy, and to have been responsible for the British hand in the Struma disaster, which followed a refusal to grant visas to Palestine for its Jewish refugee passengers, decided during his time as Colonial Secretary. According to Bell, Lord Moyne was believed by the underground to be an Arabist, who had consistently followed an anti-Zionist line.

According to Yaakov Banai (Mazal), who served as the commander of the fighting unit of Lehi, there were three purposes in the assassination:

To show the world that this conflict was not between a government and its citizens as Britain had tried to show but between citizens and a foreign ruler.
To demonstrate that the conflict was between the Jewish people and the British Imperialism.
To take the "War of Liberation" out of the Land of Israel and the Yishuv. The trial was not planned, but the action had to capture a place in the world press and lead political thoughts.
Author James Barr suggests that a French intelligence initiative was behind Moyne's murder, because of his support for the Greater Syria plan.

Trial

After the assassination, Lehi announced:

We accuse Lord Moyne and the government he represents, with murdering hundreds and thousands of our brethren; we accuse him of seizing our country and looting our possessions. We were forced to do justice and to fight.

Bet-Zuri and Hakim initially gave false names, but their true identities were soon discovered. They were tried in an Egyptian court.

Hakim and Bet-Zuri


Eventually, the Lehi members were found guilty and, on 18 January 1945, sentenced to death. Their appeals for clemency were dismissed, probably partly in response to pressure from Winston Churchill, who had been Moyne's ally and close personal friend. They were hanged on 23 March 1945.

Aftermath

Although the group had been targeting British Mandate personnel since 1940, Moyne was the first high-profile British official to be killed by them, though several failed attempts had been made to assassinate the British High Commissioner in Palestine, Sir Harold MacMichael. This was therefore the opening shot in the new Lehi campaign.

Jewish authorities in Palestine, fearful of British retribution, were quick to distance themselves from Lehi actions. On the news of Moyne's death, Chaim Weizmann, who later became the first President of Israel, is reported to have said that the death was more painful to him than that of his own son.

British prime minister Winston Churchill, who once described himelf as a "Zionist," for the time-being tempered his support for Zionism. Moyne had been sent to Cairo because of their long personal and political friendship, and Churchill told the House of Commons:

If our dreams for Zionism are to end in the smoke of assassins' pistols and our labours for its future to produce only a new set of gangsters worthy of Nazi Germany, many like myself will have to reconsider the position we have maintained so consistently and so long in the past. If there is to be any hope of a peaceful and successful future for Zionism, these wicked activities must cease, and those responsible for them must be destroyed root and branch. [...] In Palestine the executive of the Jewish Agency have called upon the Jewish community—and I quote their actual words: 'To cast out the members of this destructive band, deprive them of all refuge and shelter, to resist their threats, and to render all necessary assistance to the authorities in the prevention of terrorist acts, and in the eradication of the terrorist organisation.' These are strong words, but we must wait for these words to be translated into deeds.
He also added, "I can assure the House that the Jews in Palestine have rarely lost a better or more well-informed friend."

Moyne's parliamentary friend and cousin in law, Henry 'Chips' Channon M.P. wrote in his diary:

I went to sleep last night with strange emotions. Walter Moyne was an extraordinary man, colossally rich, well-meaning, intelligent, scrupulous, yet a viveur, and the only modern Guinness to play a social or political role.... He was careful with his huge fortune, though he had probably about three millions.
The Times of London quoted Ha'aretz's view that the assassins "have done more by this single reprehensible crime to demolish the edifice erected by three generations of Jewish pioneers than is imaginable."

The assassination caused the Palestine partition proposals that were awaiting final approval in Cabinet to be immediately shelved and never resurrected. Moyne's successor in Cairo, Sir Edward Grigg, was opposed to partition. Some historians, such as Wasserstein and Porath, have speculated that a Jewish state soon after the war had been a real possibility.

The historian Brenner writes that the purpose of the attack on Moyne was also in order to show the efficacy of armed resistance and to demonstrate to the British that they were not safe in any place as long as they remained in Palestine. The assassination also seemed to affect the Arab side, particularly in stimulating Egyptian nationalism. Brenner makes a comparison between Moyne’s death and the assassination of pro-British Ahmad Mahir Pasha. There were Lehi members who advocated the formation of a "Semitic Bloc" opposing foreign domination, and this made it possible for Arabs to actually join Lehi.

In 1975, Egypt returned the bodies of Ben Zuri and Hakim to Israel in exchange for 20 prisoners from Gaza and Sinai. They were laid in state in the Jerusalem Hall of Heroism, where they were attended by many dignitaries, including Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and President Ephraim Katzir. Then they were buried in the military section of Mount Herzl in a state funeral with full military honors. Britain lodged a formal protest, but Israel rejected the criticism, referring to Ben Zuri and Hakim as "heroic freedom fighters." In 1982, postage stamps were issued in their honour.


Saturday, 1 September 2018

Execution of Stoddard & Conolly, Bokhara, 17th June 1842

Stoddard & Conolly on the way to their execution



  • Name - Col. Charles Stoddard (1806-1842) & Captain Arthur Conolly (1807-1842)
  • Occupation - British Political Agents
  • Assassins -  Emir Nasrullah Khan
  • Assassination Method - Beheaded
  • Place of Death - Ark Fortress, Bokhara



Two gaunt, ragged men kneeled beside the graves they had just dug in the square before Bukhara's Ark Fortress. Their hands were bound behind their backs, and their hair and beards crawled with lice. In front of a small crowd, the Emir of Bukhara, Nasrullah Khan, gave the signal. A sword flashed in the sun, severing the head of Colonel Charles Stoddart of the British East India Company (BEI). The sword fell a second time, decapitating Stoddart's would-be rescuer, Captain Arthur Conolly of the BEI's Sixth Bengal Light Cavalry.


With these two strokes, Nasrullah Khan ended Stoddart and Conolly's roles in "The Great Game," a term that Conolly himself coined to describe the competition between Britain and Russia for influence in Central Asia. But the Emir could not have known that his actions in 1842 would help shape the fate of his entire region well into the twentieth century.

Charles Stoddart and the Emir
Colonel Charles Stoddart arrived in Bukhara (now in Uzbekistan) on December 17, 1838, sent to try to arrange an alliance between Nasrullah Khan and the British East India Company against the Russian Empire, which was expanding its influence south. Russia had its eye on the khanates of Khiva, Bukhara, and Khokand, all important cities along the ancient Silk Road. From there, Russia could threaten Britain's hold on its crown jewel - British India.

Charles Stoddard


Unfortunately for the BEI and especially for Colonel Stoddart, he offended Nasrullah Khan constantly from the moment he arrived. In Bukhara, it was customary for visiting dignitaries to dismount, lead their horses into the square or leave them with servants outside, and bow before the Emir. Stoddart instead followed British military protocol, which called for him to remain seated on his horse and salute the Emir from the saddle. Nasrullah Khan reportedly stared pointedly at Stoddart for some time after this salute and then stalked off without a word.


The Bug Pit
Ever the supremely self-confident representative of imperial Britain, Colonel Stoddart continued to commit gaffe after gaffe during his audiences with the Emir. Finally, Nasrullah Khan could bear the affronts to his dignity no more and had Stoddart thrown into the "Bug Pit" - a vermin-infested dungeon under the Ark Fortress.

Months and months went by, and despite the desperate notes that Stoddart's accomplices smuggled out of the pit for him, notes that made their way to Stoddart's colleagues in India as well as his family in England, no sign of a rescue appeared. Finally, one day the city's official executioner climbed down into the pit with orders to behead Stoddart on the spot unless he converted to Islam. In desperation, Stoddart agreed. Pleasantly surprised by this concession, the Emir had Stoddart brought out of the pit and placed into a much more comfortable house arrest in the chief of police's home.


During this period, Stoddart met with the Emir on several occasions, and Nasrullah Khan began to consider allying himself with the British against the Russians.

Arthur Conolly to the Rescue
Busy propping up an unpopular puppet ruler in Afghanistan, the British East India Company had neither the troops nor the will to launch a military force into Bukhara and rescue Colonel Stoddart. The Home Government in London also had no attention to spare a lone imprisoned emissary, since it was embroiled in the First Opium War against Qing China.

Arthur Conolly


The rescue mission, which arrived in November of 1841, ended up being just one man - Captain Arthur Conolly of the cavalry. Conolly was an evangelical Protestant from Dublin, whose stated goals were to unite Central Asia under British rule, Christianize the region, and abolish the slave trade.


A year earlier, he had set out for Khiva on a mission to convince the Khan to stop trading slaves; trade in Russian captives gave St. Petersburg a potential excuse for conquering the khanate, which would disadvantage the British. The Khan received Conolly politely but was not interested in his message. Conolly moved on to Khokand, with the same result. While there, he received a letter from Stoddart, who was just under house arrest at that particular time, stating that the Emir of Bukhara was interested in Conolly's message. Neither Briton knew that Nasrullah Khan was really using Stoddart to lay a trap for Conolly. Despite a warning from the Khan of Khokand about his treacherous neighbor, Conolly set out to try to free Stoddart.

Incarceration
The Emir of Bukhara initially treated Conolly well, although the BEI captain was shocked at the emaciated and haggard appearance of his fellow countryman, Colonel Stoddart. When Nasrullah Khan realized, however, that Conolly did not bring a reply from Queen Victoria to his own earlier letter, he grew enraged.

Nasrullah Khan, Emir of Bokhara


The Britons' situation grew even more dire after January 5, 1842, when Afghan militants massacred the BEI's Kabul garrison during the First Anglo-Afghan War. Just one British doctor escaped death or capture, returning to India to tell the story. Nasrullah immediately lost all interest in aligning Bukhara with the British. He tossed Stoddart and Conolly into prison - a regular cell this time, though, rather than the pit.

Execution of Stoddart and Conolly
On June 17, 1842, Nasrullah Khan ordered Stoddart and Conolly brought to the square in front of the Ark Fortress. The crowd stood quietly while the two men dug their own graves. Then their hands were tied behind them, and the executioner forced them to kneel. Colonel Stoddart called out that the Emir was a tyrant. The executioner sliced off his head.

The executioner offered Conolly the chance to convert to Islam in order to save his own life, but the evangelical Conolly refused. He too was beheaded. Stoddart was 36 years old; Conolly was 34.

Aftermath
When word of Stoddart and Conolly's fate reached the British press, it rushed to lionize the men. The papers praised Stoddart for his sense of honor and duty, as well as his fiery temper (hardly a recommendation for diplomatic work), and emphasized Conolly's deeply-held Christian faith. Outraged that the ruler of an obscure Central Asian city-state would dare execute these sons of the British Empire, the public called for a punitive mission against Bukhara, but the military and political authorities had no interest in such a move. The two officers' deaths went unavenged.

In the longer term, the British lack of interest in pushing their line of control into what is now Uzbekistan had a profound effect on the history of Central Asia. Over the next forty years, Russia subdued the entire area that is now Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. Central Asia would remain under Russian control until the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.

Friday, 31 August 2018

First Afghan War (1839-1842)





Captain Arthur Conolly (2 July 1807, London – 17 June 1842) + Bukhara
Colonel Charles Stoddart (23 July 1806 in Ipswich – June 1842) + Bukhara
Nasrullah Khan (1806-1860) Emir of Bukhara from 1827 to 1860
Dost Mohammad Khan (December 23, 1793 – June 9, 1863) founder of the Barakzai dynasty 
Wazīr Akbar Khān (1816–1845‎) Afghan prince, general, and finally Emir 
Lieutenant General Sir Willoughby Cotton GCB KCH (1783–1860)
Sir William Nott GCB (20 January 1782 – 1 January 1845)
Major-General William George Keith Elphinstone CB (1782 – 23 April 1842) +
Field Marshal Sir George Pollock, 1st Baronet GCB GCSI (4 June 1786 – 6 October 1872)
Sir William Hay Macnaghten, 1st Baronet (24 August 1793 – 23 December 1841)  +
Captain Robert Salusbury Trevor (30 December 1802-23 December 1841) + 3rd Bengal Cavalry
Captain Sir Alexander Burnes KT FRS (16 May 1805 – 2 November 1841) +
Major-General Sir Robert Henry Sale GCB (19 September 1782 – 21 December 1845)  +
Colonel John Shelton (1790 – 13 May 1845) 44th (East Essex) Regiment of Foot
Brigadier Thomas John Anquetil (1784 – 12 January 1842)  + died with troops Kabul retreat
Major George Broadfoot CB (21 March 1807– 21 December 1845)
William Brydon CB (10 October 1811 – 20 March 1873)
Lady Florentia Sale (née Wynch; 13 August 1790 – 6 July 1853)
Lt. John Leigh Doyle Sturt (1811 - 1842) +  Engineer (2 Nov. 1841, stabbed)
Captain James Skinner (1803-1842) + 61st Bengal Native Infantry
Sir Richmond Campbell Shakespear (11 May 1812 – 16 December 1861)
Rev. Joseph Wolff (1795 – 2 May 1862)
Major William Broadfoot (1810 - 2 November 1841) + Kabul
Lt. Charles Burnes (1812 - 2 November 1841) + Kabul
Shuja Shah Durrani Khan (Shāh Shujā) (4 November 1785 – 5 April 1842)
Shah Zaman Durrani, (c. 1770 – 1844)
Captain George St Patrick Lawrence KCSI CB (17 March 1804 – 16 November 1884)
Captain Colin Mackenzie (25 March 1806, London - 22 October 1881)
Major Eldred Pottinger (12 August 1811 – 15 November 1843) Bombay Infantry
Captain John Balfour Conolly  (1815 -7 August 1842) + died of typhus & dysentery
Captain James Talbot Airey KCB (6 September 1812 – 1 January 1898)
Colonel Thomas Palmer (1787-1854) 27th BNI, Commander at Ghazni




PRO BRITISH AFGHANS
ANTI BRITISH AFGHANS
+ KILLED/DIED DURING WAR




last stand of survivors of the 44th Foot at Gandamak




Monday, 31 July 2017

Murder of Sir Pierre Cavagnari, Kabul, Afghanistan, 3rd September 1879

Massacre of the British mission

  • Name - Sir Pierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari KCB CSI (1841-1879)
  • Occupation - British Envoy in Kabul
  • Assassins -  Mutinous Afghan soldiers
  • Assassination Method - Shot
  • Place of Death - British Residency, Kabul, Afghanistan


The Siege of the British Residency in Kabul was a military engagement of the Second Anglo-Afghan War. The British resident, Sir Louis Cavagnari and his escort were massacred after an 8-hour siege by mutinous Afghan troops inside their Residency in Kabul. This event triggered the second phase of the war, during which an Anglo-Indian army invaded Afghanistan and captured Kabul.


Prelude

During the first phase of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, British troops invaded Afghanistan, and forced the Amir Sher Ali Khan to flee. He was replaced by his son Mohammad Yaqub Khan, who immediately sued for peace. The resulting Treaty of Gandamak satisfied most British demands, including the annexation of several frontier districts, and the dispatch of a British envoy to Kabul to supervise Afghan foreign relations.

 Mr Jenkyns, Major Cavagnari C.S.I., Amir Yakub Khan, General Daod Shah 
and Habeebula Moustafi, [Gandamak].


The political officer selected for this task was Sir Pierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari, the son of an Italian aristocrat who had served for several years in the British colonial administration, in particular as District Commissioner of Peshawar.
Despite his experience of the region and his qualities as a diplomat, Cavagnari's appointment was viewed with some misgivings by British observers who knew his arrogant manners. General Neville Chamberlain said of him that he was:
...more the man for facing an emergency than one to entrust with a position requiring delicacy and very calm judgement...If he were left at Cabul as our agent I should fear his not keeping us out of difficulties.
In addition, as the principal negotiator of the humiliating treaty of Gandamak, Cavagnari was hated by the Afghan populace. Despite this, he was chosen by the Governor-General Lord Lytton, who trusted and appreciated him.
The envoy arrived in Kabul on July 24, 1879, with his assistant, a surgeon, and an escort of 75 soldiers of the elite Queen's Own Corps of Guides led by Lieutenant Walter Hamilton VC. The escort (25 Sowars of the Guides Cavalry and 50 Sepoys of the Guides Infantry) was kept small, so as to avoid provoking the Afghans.

Siege

In Kabul, the delegation occupied a compound inside the Bala Hissar fortress, 250 yards (230 m) from the Amir's quarters. Throughout the summer, the situation remained calm, and Cavagnari's messages to Simla remained confident. In August, the situation began to deteriorate with the arrival of six Afghan army regiments from Herat, who marched into the Bala Hissar demanding two months of arrears in back-pay. They mocked their colleagues of the Kabul regiments who had been beaten by the British, and demanded to be led against the residency, but the Amir's officers managed to pacify them with the payment of some of the arrears. Cavagnari was warned of the danger by a retired Rissaldar-Major of the Guides, but he answered "Never fear. Keep up your heart, dogs that bark don't bite!" The Rissaldar insisted: "But these dogs do bite. Sahib, the residency is in great danger!", to which Cavagnari answered: "They can only kill the three or four of us here, and our deaths will be avenged". On September 2 he telegraphed his last message to Lord Lytton: "All is well in the Kabul Embassy."

In the morning of September 3, the herati regiments gathered once more inside the Bala Hissar, demanding their pay, but due to Tax revenues not having been collected, only one month's pay was offered to them. At this point someone suggested that the British had gold in their Residency, and the mutinous soldiers went to ask Cavagnari to pay their salaries. When confronted with these demands, the envoy refused to pay, claiming that the matter was of no concern to the British government. A scuffle ensued, and several shots were fired by the British troops. The Afghan soldiers immediately returned to their cantonment to fetch their weapons, while Cavagnari prepared the compound as best he could, and sent a plea for help to the Amir.

Within the hour, 2,000 Afghan soldiers returned and invaded the Residency, which proved impossible to defend. It was surrounded on three sides by taller houses, enabling the herati troops to gain advantageous firing positions from which they opened a heavy fire that gradually wiped out the defenders. Cavagnari was the first casualty of the attack, being hit in the head by a musket ball, but he was still able to lead a bayonet charge and drive the Afghans out of the compound, after which he withdrew inside the buildings and died of his wounds.

Lt. Hamilton leads the final charge.


The defense was taken over by Lieutenant Hamilton, who despatched a second messenger to Yakub Khan. This time the Amir sent his young son and a Mullah to try and pacify the mutineers, but their party was pelted with stones, unhorsed and forced to retreat. By midday, the main building of the Residency was on fire, and only 30 Guides and three British officers were fit enough to keep fighting. A last messenger was dispatched to the Amir, who answered that he was powerless to help.

Eventually, the Afghans brought two cannons to the Residency, and started firing point-blank at the building. Hamilton led his remaining men in a charge that captured one gun, but they were driven back by Afghan fire that killed the surgeon, Kelly, and six sepoys. Hamilton urged his men to charge the guns once more but Jenkyns, Cavagnari's assistant, was killed, and the defenders were driven back. As the main building was on fire and collapsing, Hamilton and the 20 surviving sepoys took refuge in the brick bathhouse of the residency. Hamilton led another charge on the Afghan guns, and this time three sepoys managed to hitch their belts onto one of the gun carriages. After a moment's hesitation, the Herati soldiers charged the small party of Guides. Hamilton faced the oncoming Afghan wave, and emptied his revolver into them before being overwhelmed and killed. His stand allowed his 5 surviving men to retreat inside the compound.

As all the British officers were now dead, the Afghans offered the Moslem soldiers the chance to surrender, but their offer was refused by the Guides, now led by Jemadar Jewand Singh. Instead, the remaining dozen Guides charged out of the compound, where they were all killed, but not before the Jemadar had accounted for 8 Afghans. By early evening, the occupants of the Residency were dead; the siege had lasted 8 hours.

Aftermath

From the original force of four British officers and 75 Indian soldiers, only 7 soldiers survived: 4 who were away from the Residency at the time of the attack, and 3 who were sent as messengers to the Amir and detained. A British military commission formed to investigate the events expressed the opinion that "the annals of no army and no regiment can show a brighter record of bravery than has been achieved by this small band of Guides." The entire escort were awarded the Indian Order of Merit (native soldiers at that time were not eligible for the Victoria Cross), and the Corps of Guides was awarded the Battle honour "Residency, Kabul".

The Residency after the siege


The death of Cavagnari and the destruction of the Residency marked a turning point in the Second Anglo-Afghan War. Lytton's aggressive policy towards Afghanistan, known as the "Forward policy", destined to counter a potential Russian threat to British India, had failed spectacularly. Lytton himself observed that his policy had been "shattered to fragments", and instead advocated that Afghanistan should be split into three different states, centered on the cities of Herat, Kandahar and Kabul.

South Wall, Bala Hissar and destroyed Residency, 1879


A military force, known as the Kabul Field Force, commanded by Sir Frederick Roberts, was rapidly mobilised in order to punish the perpetrators of Cavagnari's death. Caught between the threat of British retribution, and a xenophobic population, Yakub Khan surrendered to Roberts and later abdicated, declaring that he would rather be a grass-cutter in the English camp than the king of Afghanistan. After a battle at Charasiab, Roberts occupied Kabul on October 12. He set up a special military court that tried and executed some 100 Afghans for participating in the attack on the residency, and for resisting the subsequent British advance on Kabul. This policy proved controversial, both in Britain and India, and embarrassed Lytton and the Disraeli government, which fell during the 1880 general election, in part over the Afghanistan issue.

Also killed with Cavagnari

William Jenkyns (1847-79)  First Assistant Political Officer to the British Embassy at Kabul
Surgeon Ambrose Hamilton Kelly (1845-79) Indian Medical Service
Lt. Walter Richard Pollock Hamilton V.C. (1856-79) Guids Cavalry


Sunday, 30 July 2017

Assassination of the Earl of Mayo, Port Blair, Andaman Islands, 8th February 1872

Mayo is stabbed to death 

  • Name - Richard Bourke, 6th Earl of Mayo (1822-1872)
  • Occupation - Viceroy of India
  • Assassin -  Sher Ali Afridi (c.1840-1873)
  • Assassination Method - Stabbed 
  • Place of Death - Port Blair, Andaman Islands

This is intriguing because the murdered was the Viceroy of India, Lord Mayo! It was a strange coincidence that while the British Empire was glorified as a vast one where the sun never set, the same sun was indirectly responsible for the death of its Viceroy.

            It was fate that drew Richard Southwell Bourke, 6th Earl of Mayo, also called Lord Naas, the 4th Viceroy of India (1869-1872), to Andaman Islands. He took special interest in the welfare of prisoners of the Penal Settlement there (revived after the 1857 Sepoy Rebellion) and wanted to inspect it. Rated as the kindest Viceroy of all, he was not an armchair officer; he is said to have travelled about 20,000 miles in British India just within his three-year stint as Viceroy, from 1869 till his death in 1872, for on-the-spot inspections. No mean feat, considering the situation then. And this is exactly what led him to Andamans and to his death there. He had reports of anarchic conditions prevailing in the Penal Settlement there which gave Andamans the notorious name of ‘Kala Pani’ (Black Waters). It was overflowing after the 1857 First War of India’s Independence, ‘Sepoy Mutiny’ as the British chose to describe it, besides with life term criminal convicts.

So he set off on Royal Navy Ship (RNS) Glasgow. As if a premonition, during an onboard conversation about a recent murder of a Calcutta judge, Mayo observed, “I do not believe any precaution will prevail against a determined attempt to assassinate.” And assassinated he was by a determined Pathan despite precautions!

Accompanied by Lady Mayo, high ranking officials and all the paraphernalia of a Viceroy, Lord Mayo reached Andamans on 8th Feb. 1872 morning, to a 21 cannon fire salute – the first ever visit of a Viceroy to the Islands!  Ross Island was then the administration headquarters of the Penal Settlement. On landing, he proceeded straight on a day-long inspection of factories, workshops, and barracks of prisoners.  In the evening he was led to Mt. Harriet for a relaxed trip.

Mt. Harriet (1,966 ft./365 meter), South Andaman Island’s highest point, lies just opposite Port Blair. The view from Mt. Harriet of the rising and setting sun and full moon is a breathtaking one. Famed as Islands of Marigold Sun, the view on that evening was as charming as ever. Or, did it appear bloody red? He was quite impressed by the ‘loveliest sights’, the last sunset he would be viewing. Unknowingly, death was shadowing Mayo up and down the peak.

The Last minutes: Flanked by officials and bodyguards, Mayo leisurely walked down to Hope Town jetty.  Torchbearers lit the path ahead. A steam ferry was waiting there to take him to RNS Glasgow, from where just then they heard the bell ring 7 PM.  As Mayo was to descend on the pier steps to board the boat, someone pounced on him from darkness, clung to his back and stabbed him with a knife. When Mr. Burne, his private secretary, looked back, he was horrified to see someone attacking the Viceroy’s back.  Had he not prevented, the 12 security guards would have instantly killed the attacker. When the torches that had died out in the commotion were lit again, Viceroy was seen fallen down into the knee-deep sea waters near the pier. Helped by his secretary, he stood up wiping his face with his hanky; he reassured the team that though injured he was fine because he was not much hurt. Sir William Wilson Hunter, ICS, a member of the party, recalled that Mayo was lifted and laid on a crude cart nearby. But streaming blood was observed through his torn coat which others tried to control with their handkerchiefs. Though he tried his best to sit up, he fell back. Trying to get back again, he told, ‘hold my head up’, which were his last words. The attacker was bound, handcuffed and taken for investigation.

When doctors examined Mayo onboard Glasgow, it was too late. The two stabbings were so deep; the one below the right shoulder blade and to the side of the spine had pierced his liver. The other cut through his left shoulder and pierced a lung, both enough cause for instantaneous death. The attacker was a lanky person, not a strong man; yet, the well-built, six foot tall viceroy died almost immediately because of the forceful stabbings at vital points.

Mayo’s body was first brought to Calcutta; after obsequies was paid, it was shipped to Ireland immersed in spirits within a lead coffin and buried near his home at Palmers Town House medieval church in Johnstown, Kildare County.  Mayo was born at Dublin, Republic of Ireland, on 21 February 1822.  A grand 50th Golden birthday for Mayo was just 13 days ahead of that fateful night.  As sketches of that period (courtesy internet) indicate, he was given a grand funeral, befitting a Viceroy.

Sher Ali Afridi (Khan), the murderer, belonged to the Tirah valley in Khyber Agency (now a Federally Administered Tribal Area) of Pakistan. A Pathan, he had served under Major Hugh James, Peshawar Commissioner, as a cavalry trooper, and then in the Punjab Mounted Police during the 1860s as a mounted orderly for Reynell Taylor, who awarded Sher Ali with a horse, pistol and certificate. Generally of good character, Sher Ali was popular among colonial officers; he had even taken care of Taylor’s children.  Later, he joined the cavalry regiment in Ambala.  During the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857 he was with the Indian army in Rohilkhand and Oudh.

A quirk of fate made him a first-time murderer and dragged him to Port Blair to commit his second murder. Two clans of his Pathan Tribe were having enmity for ages. Whoever had an opportunity would kill the rivals. One day Sher Ali noticed Hydur, his tarboor (cousin) near Company Bagh, Peshawar Cantonment, where his office was located. Without any thought Sher Ali killed him immediately. The broad daylight murder rewarded him a death sentence on 2 April 1867. On appeal, this was reduced by Judge Colonel Pollock to life imprisonment with deportation to Kala Pani or Andamans. He felt let down by his British officers whose goodwill, he hoped, would save him, or at least result in lenient punishment. When no help came, he decided to avenge this injustice.

Since arrival at the Penal Settlement of Andamans in 1869, Sher Ali Khan (Afridi) had behaved well.  A very religious person, he prayed five times a day, fasted regularly and gave in charity his earnings and food to deserving co-prisoners. Obviously, these acts made him popular among the prisoners; even prison officers treated him with some decency. Hence his activities were not closely monitored. He was even appointed as a barber for prison labourers in 1871.

                Investigation: The whole British Empire was shaken by the murder of its Viceroy. Government wondered if it was part of a big conspiracy against the empire. Adding to this suspicion was Muhammad Ja’far Thanesri, a leading figure of the Tehreek-e-Mujahideen, serving his sentence in Andaman. It was suspected that Maulvi Thanesri and other Mujahideens serving sentence there had brainwashed Sher Ali to murder Viceroy. In addition, some Wahhabi jihadi-inspired prisoners had also been deported there then; however, no link could be proved. Many experienced investigation officers, including Aishwari Prasad, notorious for implicating  Mujahideen leaders in false cases, then Deputy Collector of Suraj Garh, were appointed to somehow link these Mujahideen leaders. Though nothing could be established, their prison sentence, however, was extended by ten years.

Sher Ali Afridi told the courts that he waited almost the whole day near the steamer ferry that would take the viceroy back to his lodging. As it was getting late in the evening, he wondered if Mayo would come down at all from the peak. So he went up and understood that Mayo would come back only after watching sunset. Assured, Sher Ali returned to the same spot and hid himself.

Investigations revealed that he killed Viceroy simply to take revenge for his deportation sentence which he considered an injustice, more severe than he deserved, and had resolved to kill a high-ranking colonial official. Confirming this in the court; he simply affirmed, “I killed him by the Order of Allah!” and ‘his partner in this act was only God, no man was his accomplice’. He readily posed for photographs.  Despite this purely personal motive, there were attempts to raise Ali to the pedestal of a mujahid, martyr & freedom fighter, and to rename the jetty after him.

At the Gallows:  After trial, Sher Ali was hanged to death on Viper Island (within Port Blair harbor area) on 11 March 1873 (or in 1872 itself, as the memorial at the murder spot indicates?). When he was brought to the gallows there was a look of satisfaction in his eyes. He kissed the rope and exclaimed, “When I made this intention [of killing the viceroy], I had already envisioned myself over here”. He addressed the Muslims gathered there, “Brothers, I killed your enemy. You be witness that I am a Muslim.” Reciting the Kalma Shahadah twice, he breathed his last.

During my Port Blair days, Mayo’s great granddaughter, Lady Egremont, visited the assassination spot on 21 March 1980. She was the first family member to visit the spot in the 108 years after the incident. She remarked, “My great grandfather came to Andamans only to help the prisoners who were being tortured and wanted to see whether a health centre has been established for them or not. But things went otherwise…!” she sighed.

A memorial for Mayo has been erected on 8th Feb. 2006 (on his 134th death anniversary) there by the General Council and Fraternity of Mayo College, Ajmer (Rajasthan), which he founded. A year after his murder in 1873, the swallowtail butterfly discovered in Andamans was named Papilio mayo.

Viceroy Mayo met an undeserved cruel death with a simple kitchen knife at ‘Hope’ Town Jetty in the remote Andamans! Life is indeed full of contrasts & surprises.

Earl of Mayo